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Copyright, X92O1 by Charles Scribner's Sons, 
for the United States of America. 

rrinted by The Scribner Press 
New York. U. S. A. 


More than a decade ago I became convinced that the 
key-note of twentieth-centmy world-politics would be 
the relations between the primary races of mankind. 
Momentous modifications of existing race-relations 
were evidently impending, and nothing could be more 
vital to the course of human evolution than the char- 
acter of these modifications, since upon the quality 
of human life all else depends. 

Accordingly, my attention was thenceforth largely 
directed to racial matters. In the preface to an his- 
torical monograph (“The French Revolution in San 
Domingo”) written shortly before the Great War, 
I stated: “The world-wide struggle between the pri- 
mary races of mankind — ^the ‘conflict of color,’ as it has 
been happily termed — ^bids fair to be the fundamental 
problem of the twentieth century, and great communi- 
ties hke the United States of America, the South 
African Confederation, and Australasia regard the 
‘color question’ as perhaps the gravest problem of the 

Those lines were penned in June, 1914. Before 
their publication the Great War had burst upon the 
world. At that time several reviewers commented 
upon the above dictum and wondered whether, had I 
written two months later, I should have held a different 


As a matter of fact, I should have expressed myself 
even more strongly to the same effect. To me the 
Great War was from the first the White Civil War, 
which, whatever its outcome, must gravely compli- 
cate the course of racial relations. 

Before the war I had hoped that the readjustments 
rendered inevitable by the renascence of the brown 
and yellow peoples of Asia would be a gradual, and in 
the main a pacific, process, kept within evolutionary 
bounds by the white world’s inherent strength and 
fundamental solidarity. The frightful weakening of 
the white world during the war, however, opened up 
revolutionary, even cataclysmic, possibilities. 

In saying this I do not refer solely to military 
"perils.” The subjugation of white lands by colored 
armies may, of course, occur, especially if the white 
world continues to rend itself with internecine wars. 
However, such colored triiunphs of arms are less to 
be dreaded than more enduring conquests like migra- 
tions which would swamp whole populations and turn 
countries now white into colored man’s lands irre- 
trievably lost to the white world. Of course, these 
ominous possibilities existed even before 1914, but the 
war has rendered them much more probable. 

The most disquieting feature of the present situation, 
however, is not the war but the peace. The white 
world’s inability to frame a constructive settlement, 
the perpetuation of intestine hatreds, and the menace 
of fresh white civil wars complicated by the spectre of 
social revolution, evoke *the dread thought that the 


late war may be merely the first stage in a cycle of 

In fact, so absorbed is the white world with its do- 
mestic dissensions that it pays scant heed to racial 
problems whose importance for the future of man- 
kind far transcends the questions which engross its 
attention to-day. 

This relative indifference to the larger racial issues 
has determined the writing of the present book. So 
fundamental are these issues that a candid discussion 
of them would seem to be timely and helpfid. 

In the following pages I have tried to analyze in their 
various aspects the present relations between the white 
and non-white worlds. My task has been greatly 
aided by the Introduction from the pen of Madison 
Grant, who has admirably summarized the biological 
and historical background. A life-long student of 
biology, Mr. Grant approaches the subject along that 
line. My own avenue of approach being world-politics, 
the resulting convergence of different view-points has 
been a most useful one. 

For the stimulating counsel of Mr. Grant in the 
preparation of this book my thanks are especially due. 
I desire also to acknowledge my indebtedness for help- 
ful suggestions to Messrs. Allejme Ireland, Glenn 
Frank, and other friends. 

Lothbop Stoddabd. 

Nutt Yobx Citt, 

F«lHCU«cy 28, 1820. 


iNTBODUcnoN BT Madison Grant xi 




I. The World of Color 3 

II. Yellow Man’s Land 17 

III. Brown Man’s Land 54 

IV. Black Man’s Land 87 

V. Red Man’s Land 104 



VI. The White Flood 145 

VII. The Beginning op the Ebb 154 

VIII. The Modern Peloponnesian War 173 

IX. The Shattering of White Solidarity .... 198 


THE deluge on THE DIKES 

X. The Outer Dikes 225 

XI. The Inner Dikes 236 

XIl. The Crisis of the Ages 299 

Index 311 





Cateoobies of White World-Supremact 150 


Distribution of the White Races 228 


Mr. Lothrop Stoddard's “The Rising Tide of 
Color,” following so closely the Great War, may ap- 
pear to some unduly alarming, while others, as his 
thread of argument unrolls, may recoil at the logic 
of his deductions. 

In our present era of convulsive changes, a prophet 
must be bold, indeed, to predict anything more definite 
than a mere trend in events, but the study of the past 
is the one safe guide in forecasting the future. 

Mr. Stoddard takes up the white man’s world and 
its potential enemies as they are to-day. A considera- 
tion of their early relations and of the histoiy of the 
Nordic race, since its first appearance three or foim 
thousand years ago, tends strongly to sustain and jus- 
tify his conclusions. For such a consideration we must 
first turn to the map, or, better, to the globe. 

Viewed in the light of geography and zofilogy, 
Europe west of Russia is but a peninsula of Asia with 
the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea included. ' 
True Africa, or rather Ethiopia, lies south of the 
Sahara Desert and has virtually no connection with 
the North except along the valley of the Nile. 

This Eurasiatic continent has been, perhaps, since 


the origin of life itself, the most active centre of evolu- 
tion and radiation of the higher forms. 

Confining ourselves to the mammalian orders, we 
find that a majority of them have originated and de- 
veloped there and have spread thence to the outlying 
land areas of the globe. All the evidence points to the 
origin of the Primates in Eurasia and we have every 
reason to believe that this continent was also the 
scene of the early evolution of man from his anthropoid 

The impulse that inaugurated the development of 
mankind seems to have had its basic cause in the 
stress of changing climatic conditions in central Asia 
at the close of the Pliocene, and the human inhabitants 
of Em-asia have ever since exhibited in a superlative 
degree the energy developed at that time. This 
energy, however, has not been equally shared by the 
various species of man, either extinct or living, and the 
survivors of the earlier races are, for the most part, 
to be found on the other continents and islands or in 
the extreme outlying regions of Eurasia itself. 

In other words those groups of mankind which at 
an early period found refuge in the Americas, in Aus- 
tralia, in Ethiopia, or in the islands of the sea, repre- 
sent to a large extent stages in man’s physical and cul- 
tural development, from which the more energized 
inhabitants of Eurasia have long since emerged. In 
some cases, as in Mexico and Peru, the outlying races 
developed in their isolation a limited culture of their 
own, but, for the most pajt, they have exhibited, and 


continue to this day to exhibit, a lack of capacity for 
sustained evolution from within as well as a lack of 
capacity , to adjust themselves of their own initiative 
to the rapid changes which modem times impose upon 
them from without. 

In Eurasia itself this same inequality of potential 
capacity is found, but in a lesser degree, and conse- 
quently, in the progress of humanity, there has been 
constant friction between those who push forward and 
those who are unable to keep pace with changing con- 

Owing to these causes the history of mankind has 
been that of a series of impulses from the Eurasiatic 
continent upon the outlying regions of the globe, but 
there has been an almost complete lack of reaction, 
either racial or cultural, from them upon the masses 
of mankind in Eurasia itself. There have been end- 
less conflicts between the different sections of Eurasia, 
but neither Amerinds, nor Austroloids, nor Negroes, 
have ever made a concerted attack upon the great 

Without attempting a scientific classification of the 
inbabitants of Eurasia, it is sufficient to describe the 
three main races. The first are the yellow-skinned, 
straight black-haired, black-eyed, round-skulled Mon- 
gols and Mongoloids massed in central and eastern 
Asia north of the Himalayan system. 

To the west of them, and merged with them, lie the 
Alpines, also characterized by dark, but not straight. 


hair, dark eyes, relatively short stature, and round 
skulls. These Alpines are thrust like a wedge into 
Eiu’ope between the Nordics and the Mediterraneans, 
with a tip that reaches the Atlantic Ocean. Those of 
western Europe are derived from one or more very 
ancient waves of round-skulled invaders from the 
East, who probably came by way of Asia Minor and 
the Balkans, but they have been so long in their present 
homes that they retain little except their brachy- 
cephalic skull-shape to connect them with the Asiatic 

South of the Himalayas and westward in a narrow 
belt to the Atlantic, and on both sides of the Inland 
Sea, lies the Mediterranean race, more or less swarthy- 
skinned, black-haired, dark-eyed, and long-skulled. 

On the northwest, grouped around the Baltic and 
North Seas, lies the gi’eat Nordic race. It is charac- 
terized by a fair white skin, wavy hair with a range of 
color from dark brown to flaxen, light eyes, tall stature, 
and long skulls. 

These races show other physical characters which 
are definite but difficult to describe, such as texture of 
skin and cast of featmes, especially of the nose. The 
contrast of mental and spiritual endowments is equally 
definite, but even more elusive of definition. 

It is with the action and interaction of these three 
groups, together with internal civil wars, that recorded 
history deals. 

While, so far as we know, these three races have oc- 
ciipied their present relative positions from the begin- 


ning, there have been profound changes in their dis- 

The two essential phenomena, however, are, first, 
the retreat of the Nordic race westward from the Grass- 
lands of western Asia and eastern Europe to the bor- 
ders of the Atlantic, imtil it occupies a relatively small 
area on the periphery of Eurasia. 

The second phenomenon is of equal importance, 
namely, the more or less thorough Nordicizing of the 
westernmost extensions of the other two races, namely, 
the Mediterranean on the north coast of the Inland 
Sea, who have been completely Aryanized in speech, 
and have been again and again saturated with Nordic 
blood, and the even more profound Nordicization in 
speech and in blood of the short, dark, round-skuUed 
inhabitants of central Europe, from Brittany through 
central PVance, southern Germany, and northern Italy 
into Austrian and Balkan lands. So thorough has 
been this process that the western Alpines have at the 
present time no separate race consciousness and are to 
be considered as wholly European. 

As to the Alpines of eastern and central Europe, 
the Slavs, the case is somewhat different. East of a 
line drawn from the Adriatic to the Baltic the Nordiciz- 
.ing process has been far less perfect, although nearly 
complete as to speech, since all the Slavic languages 
are Aryan. Throughout these Slavic lands, great ac- 
cessions of pure Mongoloid blood have been introduced 
within relatively recent centuries. 

East of this belt of imperfectly Nordicized Alpines 


we reach the Asiatic Alpines, as yet entirely untoudied 
by western blood or cultiire. These groups merge into 
the Mongoloids of eastern Asia. 

So we find, thrust westward from the Heartland, 
a race touching the Atlantic at Brittany, thoroughly 
Asiatic and Mongoloid in the east, very imperfectly 
Nordicized in the centre, and thoroughly Nordicized 
culturally in the far west of Europe, where it has bo- 
come, and must be accepted as, an integral part of 
the White World. 

As to the great Nordic race, within relatively recent 
historic times it occupied the Grasslands north of the 
Black and Caspian Seas eastward to the Himalayas. 
Traces of Nordic peoples in central Asia are constantly 
found, and when archaeological research there becomes 
as intensive as in Europe we shall be astonished to 
find how long, complete, and extended was their occu- 
pation of western Asia. 

During the second millennium before our era suc- 
cessive waves of Nordics began to cross the Afghan 
passes into India until finally they imposed their primi- 
tive Aryan language upon Hindustan and the coim- 
tries lying to the east. 

AH those regions lying northwest of the mountains 
appear to have been largely a white man’s country at 
the time of Alexander the Great. In Turkestan the 
newly discovered Tokharian language, an Aryan tongue 
of the western division, seems to have persisted down 
to the ninth century. The decline of the Nordics 
in these lands, however, began probably far earlier 


than Alexander’s time, and must have been nearly 
completed at the beginnmg of our era. Such blond 
traits as are still foxmd in western Asia are relatively 
unimportant, and for the last two thousand years 
these countries must be regarded as lost to the Nordic 

The impulse that drove the early Nordics like a fan 
over the Himalayan passes into India, the later Nor- 
dics southward into Mesopotamian lands, as Kassites, 
Mitanni, and Persians, into Greece and Anatolia as 
Achseans, Dorians, and Phrygians, westward as the 
Aryan-speaking invaders of Italy and as the Celtic 
vanguards of the Nordic race across the Rhine into 
Gaul, Spain, and Britain, may well have been caused 
by Mongoloid pressure from the heart of central Asia. 
Of course, we have no actual knowledge of this, but 
the analogy to the history of later migrations is strong, 
and the conviction is growing among historians that 
the impulse that drove the Hellenic Nordics upon the 
early iEgean cultiu^ world was the same as that 
which later drove Germanic Nordics into the Roman 

North of the Caspian and Black Seas the boundaries 
of Europe receded steadily before Asia for nearly a 
thousand years after om era opened, but we have 
scant record of the struggles which resulted in the evic- 
tion of the Nordics from their homes in Russia, Po- 
land, the Austrian and east German lands. 

By the time of Charlemagne the White Man’s world 
was reduced to Scandinavia, Germany west of the Elbe, 


the British Isles, the Low Countries, and northern 
Prance and Italy, with outlying groups in southern 
Prance and Spain. This was the lowest ebb for the 
Nordics and it was the crowning gloiy of Charlemagne’s 
career that he not only turned back the flood, but be- 
gan the organization of a series of more or less Nordi- 
cized marches or barrier states from the Baltic to the 
Adriatic, which have served as ramparts against Asiatic 
pressure from his day to ours. West of this line the 
feudal states of mediaeval Europe developed into west- 
ern Christendom, the nucleus of the civilized world of 

South of the Caspian and Black Seas, after the first 
swarming of the Nordics over the mountains during the 
second millennium before Christ, the East pressed stead- 
ily against Europe until the strain culminated in the 
Persian Wars. The defeat of Asia in these wars re- 
sulted later in Alexander’s conquest of western Asia 
to the borders of India. 

Alexander’s empire temporarily established Hellenic 
institutions throughout western Asia and some of the 
provinces remained superficially Greek imtil they were 
incoiporated in the Roman Empire and .ultimately be- 
came part of early Christendom. On the whole, how- 
ever, from the time of Alexander the elimination of 
European blood, classic culture, and, finally, of Chris- 
tianity, went on relentlessly. 

By later Roman times the Aryan language of the 
Persians, Parthians, and people of India together 
with some shreds of Greek learning were about all the 


traces of Europe that were to be foiuid east of the os- 
cillating boundary along the Euphrates. 

The Roman and Byzantine Empires struggled for 
centuries to check the advancing tide of Asiatics, 
but Arab expansions under the impulse of the Mo- 
hammedan religion finally tore away all the eastern 
and southern coasts of the Mediterranean Sea, while 
from an Arabized Spain they threatened western 
Europe. With the White Man’s world thus rapidly 
receding in the south, a series of pure Mongol invasions 
from central Asia, sweeping north of the Caspian and 
Black Seas, burst upon central Europe. Attila and 
his Huns were the first to break through into Nordic 
lands as far as the plains of northern Fi-ance. None of 
the later hordes were able to force their way so far 
into Nordic territories, but spent their strength upon 
the Alpines of the Balkans and eastern Europe. 

Eastern Germany, the Austrian states, Poland, and 
Russia had been Nordic lands before the Slavs emerged 
after the fall of Rome. Whether the occupation of 
Teutonic lands by the Wends and Slavs in eastern 
Europe was an infiltration or a conquest is not known, 
but the conviction is growing that, like other move- 
ments which preceded and followed, it was caused 
by Mongoloid pressure. 

That the western Slavs or Wends had been long 
Nordicized in speech is indicated by the thoroughly 
Aryan character of the Slavic languages. They 
found in the lands they occupied an underlying Teu- 
tonic population. They cannot be regarded as the 


original owners of Poland, Bohemia, Silesia, or other 
Wendish provinces of eastern Germany and Austria. 
The Teutonic Marcomanni and Quadi were in Bohemia 
long before the Czechs came in through the Moravian 
Gate in the sixth century. Pomerania and the Prus- 
sias were the home of Teutonic Lombards, Burgunds, 
Vandals, and Suevi, while the Crimea and the north- 
western coast of the Black Sea were long held by the 
Nordic Goths, who, just before our era, had migrated 
overland from the Baltic by way of the Vistula. 

No doubt some of this Nordic blood remained to en- 
noble the stock of the later invaders, but by the time 
of Char emagne, in the greater part of Europe east of 
the Elbe, the Aiyan language was the only bond with 

When the Frankish Empire turned the tide and 
Christianized these Wendish and Polish lands, civiliza- 
tion was carried eastward until it met the Byzantine 
influences which brought to Russia and the lands east 
of the Carpatliians the culture and Orthodox Christi- 
anity of the Eastern or Greek Empire. 

The nucleus of Russia was organized in the ninth 
century by Scandinavian Varangians, the Franks of 
the East, who founded the first civilized state amid a 
welter of semi-Mongoloid tribes. How much Nordic 
blood they foimd in the territories which afterward 
became Russia we have no means of knowing, but it 
must have been considerable because we do know that 
from the Middle Ages to the present time there has 
been a progressive incre^e in brachycephaly or broad- 


headedness, to judge from the rise in the percentage of 
roimd skulls found in the cemeteries of Moscow and 
elsewhere in Russia. 

Such was the condition of eastern Europe when 
a new and terrible series of Mongoloid invasions 
swept over it, this time directly from the centre of 

The effect of these invasions was so profound and 
lasting that it may be well to consider briefly the 
condition of eastern Em-ope after the elimination of 
the Nordics and its partial occupation by the so-called 
Slavs. Beginning with Attila and his Hims, in the 
fourth century, there was a series of purely Mongoloid 
tribes entering from Asia in wave after wave. 

Similar waves ultimately passed south of the Black 
and Caspian Seas, and were called Turks, but these 
were long held back by the power of the Byzantine 
Empire, to which history has done scant justice. 

In the north these invaders, called in the later days 
Tatars, but all essentially of central Asiatic Mongol 
stock, occupied Balkan lands after the expansion of 
the south Slavs in those countries. They are known 
by various names, but they are all part of the same 
general movement, although there was a gradual slow- 
ing down of the impulse. Prior to Jenghiz Klian the 
later hordes did not reach quite as far west as the 
earlier ones. 

The first wave, Attila’s Huns, were followed dur- 
ing the succeeding centuries by the A^'ajs, the Bul- 
gars, the Hunagar Magyai’s, 4he Patzinaks and the 


Cumans. All of these tribes forced their way over 
the Carpathians and the Danube, and much of their 
blood, notably in that of the Bulgars and Magyars, is 
still to be found there. Most of them adopted Slavic 
dialects and merged in the surrounding population, 
but the Magyars retain their Asiatic speech to this 

Other Tatar and Mongoloid tribes settled in south- 
ern and eastern Russia. Chief among these were the 
Mongol Chazars, who founded an extensive and power- 
ful empire in southern and southeastern Russia as 
early as the eighth century. It is interesting to note 
that they accepted Judaism and became the ancestors 
of the majority of the Jews of eastern Europe, the 
round-skulled Ashkenazim. 

Into this mixed population of Christianized Slavs 
and more or less Christianized and Slavized Mongols 
burst Jenghiz Khan with his great hordes of pure 
Mongols. All southern Russia, Poland, and Hungary 
collapsed before them, and in southern Russia the rule 
of the Mongol persisted for centuries, in fact the 
Golden Horde of Tatars retained control of the Crimea 
down to 1783. 

Many of these later Tatar’s had accepted Islam, but 
entire groups of them have retained their Asiatic speech 
and to this day profess the Mohammedan religion. 

The most lasting result of these Mongol invasions 
was that southern Poland and all the countries east 
and north of the Carpathians, including Rumania and 
the Ukraine, were satu*ated anew with Tatar blood. 


and; in dealing with these populations and with the 
new nations founded among them, this fact must not 
be forgotten. 

The conflict between the East and the West — ^Europe 
and Asia — ^has thus lasted for centuries, in fact it goes 
back to the Persian Wars and the long and doubtful 
duel between Rome and Parthia along the eastern 
boimdary of Syria. As we have already said, the 
Saracens had tom away many of the provinces of the 
Eastern Empire, and the Crasades, for a moment, had 
rolled back the East, but the event was not decided 
until the Seljukian and Osmanli Turks accepted Islam. 

If these Turks had remained heathen they might 
have invaded and conquered Asia Minor and the 
Balkan States, just as their cousins, the Tartars, had 
subjected vast territories north of the Black Sea, but 
they could not have held their conquests permanently 
unless they had been able to incorporate the beaten 
natives into their own ranks through the proselytizing 
power of Islam. 

Even in Roman times the Greek world had been 
steadily losing, first its Nordic blood and then later 
the blood of its Nordicized European population, and 
it became in its declining yeais increasmgly Asiatic 
imtil the final fall of Constantinople in 1453. 

Byzantium once fallen, the Turks advanced un- 
checked, conquering the Alpine Slav kingdoms of the 
Balkans and menacing Christendom itself. 

In these age-long conflicts between Asia and Eu- 
rope the Crusades seem but an episode, although 


tragically wasteful of Nordic stock. The Nordic 
Frankish nobility of western Europe squandered its 
blood for two himdred years on the desert sands of 
Syria and left no ethnic trace behind, save, perhaps, 
some doubtful blond remnants in northern Syria and 

If the predictions of Mr. Stoddard’s book seem far- 
fetched, one has but to consider that four times since 
the fall of Rome Asia has conquered to the very con- 
fines of Nordic Emope. The Nordicized Alpines of 
eastern Emope and the Nordicized Mediterraneans of 
southern Europe have proved too feeble to hold back 
the Asiatic hordes, Mongol or Saracen. It was not 
imtil the realms of pure Nordics were reached that 
the invaders were turned back. This is shown by the 
fact that the Arabs had quickly mastered northern 
Africa and conquered Spain, where the Nordic Goths 
were too few in number to hold them back, while 
southern France, which was not then, and is not now, 
a Nordic land, had offered no serious resistance. It 
was not rmtil the Arabs, in 732, at Tours, dashed them- 
selves to pieces against the solid ranks of heavy-armed 
Nordics, that Islam receded. 

The same fate had already been encountered by 
Attila and his Hims, who, after dominating Hungary 
and southern Germany and destro 3 dng the Burgundians 
on the Rhine, had pushed into northern France as far as 
ChSJons. Here, in 451 A. D., he was beaten, not by the 
Romanized Gauls but by the Nordic Visigoths, whose 
king, Theodoric, died on Ahe field. These two vie- 


tories, one against the Arab south and the other over 
the Mongoloid east, saved Nordic Europe, which was 
at that time shrunken to little more than a fringe on 
the seacoast. 

How slender the thread and how easily snapped, 
had the event of either day turned out otherwise! 
Never again did Asia push so far west, but the danger 
was not finally removed until Charlemagne and his 
successors had organized the Western Empire. 

Christendom, however, had sore trials ahead when 
the successors of Jenghiz Khan destroyed Moscovy 
and Poland and devastated eastern Europe. The 
victorious career of the Tatars was unchecked, from 
the Chinese Sea on the east to the Indian Ocean on 
the south, until in 1241, at Wahlstatt in Silesia, they 
encountered pure Nordic fighting men. Then the tide 
turned. Though outnumbering the Christians five 
to one and victorious in the battle itself, the Tatars 
were unable to push farther west and turned south 
into Hungary and other Alpine lands. 

Some conception of the almost unbelievable horrors 
that western Europe escaped at this time may be gath- 
ered from the fate of the countries which fell before the 
irresistible rush of the Mongols, whose sole descemible 
motive seems to have been blood lust. The destruc- 
tion wrought in China, central Asia, and Persia is 
almost beyond conception. In twelve years, in China 
and the neighboring states, Jenghiz Khan and his lieu- 
tenants slaughtered more than 18,500,000 hiunan be- 
ings. After the sack of Merv in Khorasan, the “ Garden 


of Asia,” the corpses numbered 1,300,000, and after 
Herat was taken 1,600,000 are said to have perished. 
Similar fates befell every city of importance in central 
Asia, and to this day those once populous provinces 
have never recovered. The cities of Russia and 
Poland were burned, their inhabitants tortured and 
massacred, with the consequence that progress was 
retarded for centuries. 

Almost in modem times these same Mongoloid in- 
vaders, entering by way of Asia Minor, and calling 
themselves Turks, after destroying the Eastern Empire, 
the Balkan States, and Hungary, again met the Nordic 
chivaliy of western Europe under the walls of Vienna, 
in 1683, and again the Asiatics went down in rout. 

On these four separate occasions the Nordic race and 
it alone saved modem civilization. The half-Nordi- 
cized lands to the south and to the east collapsed imder 
the invasions. 

Unnumbered Nordic tribes, nameless and tmsung, 
have been massacred, or submerged, or driven from 
their lands. The survivors had been pushed ever west- 
ward until their backs were against the Northern 
Ocean. There the Nordics came to bay — ^the tide was 
turned. Few stop to reflect that it was more than sixty 
years after the first American legislature sat at James- 
town, Virginia, that Asia finally abandoned the con- 
quest of Eiuope. 

One of the chief results of forcing the Nordic race 
back to the seacoast was the creation of maritime 
power and its development to a never before 


known even in the days of the Phoenicians and Cartha- 
ginians. With the recession of the Turkish flood, 
modem Europe emerges and inaugurates a counter- 
attack on Asia which has placed virtually the entire 
world under European domination. 

While in the mediaeval conflicts between Europe 
and Asia the latter was the aggressor, the case was 
otherwise in the early wars between the Nordic and 
the Mediterranean peoples. Here for three thousand 
years the Nordics were the aggressors, and, although 
these wars were terribly destructive to their numbers, 
they were the medium through which classic civiliza- 
tion was introduced into Nordic lands. As to the 
ethnic consequences, northern barbarians poured over 
the passes of the Balkans, Alpines, and Pyrenees into 
the sunny lands of the south only to slowly vanish in 
the languid environment which lacked the stimulus 
of fierce strife with hostile nature and savage rivals. 

Nevertheless, long before the opening of the Chris- 
tian era the Alpines of western Europe were thoroughly 
Nordicized, and in the centuries that followed, the old 
Nordic clement in Spain, Italy, and France has been 
again and again strongly reinforced, so that these lands 
are now an integral part of the White World. 

In recent centuries Russia was again superficially 
Nordicized with a top dressing of Nordic nobility, 
chiefly coming from the Baltic provinces. Along with 
this process there was everywhere in Em’ope a resur- 
gence among the submerged^d forgotten Alpines and 


among the Mediterranean elements of the British 
Isles, while Bolshevism in Russia means the elimination 
of the Nordic aristocracy and the dominance of the 
half-Asiatic Slavic peasantiy. 

All wars thus far discussed have been race wars of 
Eimope against Asia, or of the Nordics against Medi- 
terraneans. The wars against the Mongols were nec- 
essary and vital; there was no alternative except to 
fight to the finish. But the wars of northern Europe 
against the south, from the racial point of view, were 
not only useless but destructive. Bad as they were, 
however, they left untouched to a large extent the 
broodland of the race in the north and west. 

Another class of wars, however, has been absolutely 
deadly to the Nordic race. There must have been count- 
less early struggles where one Nordic tribe attacked 
and exterminated its rival, such as the Trojan War, 
fought between Achseans and Phrygians, both Nordics, 
while the later Peloponnesian War was a purely civil 
strife between Greeks and resulted in the racial col- 
lapse of Hellas. 

Rome, after she emerged triumphant from her 
struggle with the Carthaginians, of Mediterranean race, 
plunged into a series of civil wars which ended in the 
complete elimination of the native Nordic element in 
Rome. Her conquests also were destructive to the 
Nordic race; particularly so was that of Csesar in 
Gaul, one of the few exceptional cases where the north 
was permanently conquered by the south. The losses 


of that ten-year conquest fell far more heavily upon 
the Nordic Celts in Gaul and Britain than on the 
servile strata of the population. 

In the same way the Saxon conquest of England 
destroyed the Nordic Brythons to a greater degree 
than the pre-Nordic Neolithic Mediterranean element. 
From that time on all the wars of Eiu’ope, other than 
those against the Asiatics and Saracens, were essen- 
tially civil wars fought between peoples or leaders of 
Nordic blood. 

Mediaeval Europe was one long welter of Nordic 
immolation imtil the Wars of the Roses in England, 
the Hundred Years’ War in the Lowlands, the relig- 
ious, revolutionary, and Napoleonic wars in France, and 
the ghastly Thirty Years’ War in Germany dangerously 
depleted the ruling Nordic race and paved the way for 
the emergence from obscurity of the servile races which 
for ages had been dominated by them. 

. To what extent the present war has fostered this 
tendency, time alone will show, but Mr. Stoddard has 
pointed out some of the immediate and visible results. 
The backbone of western civiUzation is racially Nordic, 
the Alpines and Mediterraneans being effective pre- 
cisely to the extent in which they have been Nordicized 
and vitalized. 

If this great race, with its capacity for leadership 
and fighting, should ultimately pass, with it would 
pass that which we call civilization. It would be suc- 
ceeded by an unstable and bastardized population, 
where worth and merit would have no inherent right 



to leadership and among which a new and darker age 
would blot out our racial inheritance. 

Such a catastrophe cannot threaten if the Nordic 
race will gather itself together in time, shake off the 
shackles of an inveterate altruism, discard the vain 
phantom of internationalism, and reassert the pride 
of race and the right of merit to rule. 

The Nordic race has been driven from many of its 
lands, but still grasps firmly the control of the world, 
and it is certainly not at a greater numerical disad- 
vantage than often before in contrast to the teeming 
population of eastern Asia. 

It has repeatedly been confronted with crises where 
the accident of battle, or the genius of a leader, saved 
a well-nigh hopeless day. It has survived defeat, it 
has survived the greater danger of victory, and, if it 
takes warning in tiine, it may face the future with 
assurance. Fight it must, but let that fight be not a 
civil war against its own blood kindred but against 
the dangerous foreign races, whether they advance 
sword in hand or in the more insidious guise of beggara 
at our gates, pleading for admittance to share our 
prosperity. If we continue to allow them to enter they 
will in time drive us out of our own land by mere force 
of breeding. 

The great hope of the future here in America lies in 
the realization of the working class that competition 
of the Nordic with the alien is fatal, whether the latter 
be the lowly immigrant from southern or eastern Eu- 
rope or whether he be the more obviously dangerous 


Oriental against whose standards of living the white 
man cannot compete. In this country we must look 
to such of our people — our farmers and artisans — as 
are still of American blood to recognize and meet this 

Our present condition is the result of following the 
leadership of idealists and philanthropic doctrinaires, 
aided and abetted by the perfectly understandable 
demand of our captains of industry for cheap labor. 

To-day the need for statesmanship is great, and 
greater still is the need for thorough knowledge of 
history. All over the world the first has been lacking, 
and in the passions of the Great War the lessons of the 
past have been forgotten both here and in Europe. 

The establishment of a chain of Alpine states from 
the Baltic to the Adriatic, as a sequel to the war, all 
of them organized at the expense of the Nordic ruling 
classes, may bring Europe back to the days when 
Charlemagne, marching from the Rhine to the Elbe, 
found the valley of that river inhabited by heathen 
Wends. Beyond lay Asia, and his successors spent a 
thousand years pushing eastward the frontiers of Eu- 

Now that Asia, in the guise of Bolshevism with Semitic 
leadership and Chinese executioners, is organizing an 
assault upon western Europe, the new states — Slavic- 
Alpine in race, with little Nordic blood — ^may prove to 
be not frontier guards of western Europe but van- 
guards of Asia in central Europe. None of the earlier 
Alpine states have held firm against Asia, and it is more 


than doubtful whether Poland, Bohemia, Rumania, 
Hungaiy, and Jugo-Slavia can face the danger success- 
fully, now that they have been deprived of the Nordic 
ruling classes through democratic institutions. 

Democratic ideals among an homogeneous popular 
tion of Nordic blood, as in England or America, is one 
thing, but it is quite another for the white man to 
share his blood with, or intrust his ideals to, brown, 
yellow, black, or red men. 

This is suicide pure and simple, and the first victim 
of this amazing folly will be the white man himself. 

Madison Grant. 

New Yore, Maroh 1, 1930. 




Thb man who, on a quiet spring evening of the year 
1914, opened his atlas to a political map of the world 
and pored over its many-tinted patterns probably got 
one fundamental impression: the overwhelming pre- 
ponderance of the white race in the ordering of the 
world’s affairs. Judged by accepted canons of state- 
craft, the white man towered the indisputable master 
of the planet. Forth from Europe’s teeming mother- 
hive the imperious Sons of Japhet had swarmed for 
centuries to plant their laws, their customs, and their 
battle-flags at the uttermost ends of the earth. Two 
whole continents, North America and Australia, had 
been made virtually as white in blood as the European 
motherland; two other continents. South America 
and Africa, had been o.xtensivcly colonized by white 
stocks; while even huge Asia had seen its empty north- 
ern march, Siberia, pre-empted for the white man’s 
abode. Even where white populations had not locked 
themselves to the soil few regions of the earth had 
escaped the white man’s imperial sway, and vast areas 
inhabited by uncounted myriads of dusky folk obeyed 
the white man’s will. 

Beside the enormotis area of white settlement or 
control, the regions under non-;ivhite governance bulked 



small indeed. In eastern Asia, China, Japan, and 
Siam; in western Asia, Turkey, Afghanistan, and 
Persia; in Africa, Abyssinia, and Liberia; and in Amer- 
ica the minute state of Haiti: such was the brief list 
of lands imder non-white rule. In other words, of the 

53.000. 000 square miles which (excluding the polar 
regions) constitute the land area of the globe, only 

6.000. 000 square miles had non-white governments, 
and nearly two-thirds of this relatively modest re- 
mainder was represented by China and its dependen- 

Since 1914 the world has been convulsed by the 
most tei-rible war in recorded hisloiy. This wai- was 
primarily a straggle between the wliite peoples, who 
have borne the brant of the conflict and have suffered 
most of the losses. Nevertheless, one of the war’s 
results has been a further whittling down of the areas 
standing outside white political control. Turkey is 
to-day practically an Anglo-French condominimn, 
Persia is virtually a protectorate of the Biitish Empire, 
while the United States has thrown over the endemic 
anarchy of Haiti the aegis of the Pax Americana. 
Study of the political map might thus apparently lead 
one to '’onclude that white world-predominance is 
immutable, since the war’s ordeal has still further 
broadened the territorial basis of its authority. 

At this point the reader is perhaps asking himself 
why this book was ever undertaken. The answer is: 
the dangerous delusion created by viewing world af- 
fairs solely from the angle of politics. The late war 



has taught many lessojis as to the unstable and transi- 
toiy character of even the most imposing political 
phenomena, while a better reading of histoiy must 
bring home the truth that the basic factor in hiunau 
affairs is not politics, but race. The reader has already 
encountered this fundamental tmlh on cveiy page of 
the Ritroduction. lie will nanember, for instance, how 
west-central Asia, which in the dawn of liistoiy was 
prcdominantl}' white man’s countiy, is to-day racially 
brown man’s land in which white blood sun'ives only 
as v(5stigial traces of vanishing signilicance. If this 
poi'tion of Asia, the former seat of mighty wliite em- 
jiiif's and possibly the veiy homeland of the white 
race itself, should have so entirely changed its ethnic 
cliaractej’, what assurance can the most iniprcssivo 
political [)anorama give us that the present world-oi’der 
may not swiftly and utterly pass away? 

Th(! force of this (pusy is exemplified when we turn 
from tlie political to the racial map of the globe. 
W'hat a transformation ! Instead of a woild politically 
ninml,enths white, we see a world of which only four- 
tenths at the most can be considered predominantly 
white in blood, the rest of the world bemg inliabitcd 
mainly by the other primaiy races of mankind — 
yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. Speaking by con- 
tinents, Europe, North America to the Rio Grande, 
the southern portion of South America, the Siberian 
part of Asia, and Australasia constitute the real 
white world; while the bulk of Asia, virtually the 
whole of Afi’ica, and rnos^ of Central and South 


America form the world of color. The respective 
areas of these two racially contrasted worlds are 22,- 
000,000 square miles for the whites and 31,000,000 
square miles for the colored races. Furthermore it 
must be remembered that fully one-third of the white 
area (notably Australasia and Siberia) is very thinly 
inhabited and is thus held by a very slender racial 
tenure — ^the only tenure which counts in the long run. 

The statistical disproportion between the white 
and colored worlds becomes still moi’e marked when 
we turn from surveys of area to tables of population. 
The total number of human beings alive to-day is 
about 1,700,000,000. Of these 5r)(),000,000 are white, 
while 1,150,000,000 are colored. The colored races 
thus outnumber the whites more than two to one. 
Another fact of capital importance is that the great 
bulk of the white race is concentrated in the European 
continent. In 1914 the jjopulation of Europe was 
approximately 450,000,000. Tlie late war has un- 
doubtedly caused an absolute decrease of many mil- 
lions of souls. Nevertheless, the basic fact remains 
that some four-fifths of the entire white race is con- 
centrated on less than one-fifth of the white world’s 
territorial area (Europe), while the r emainin g one- 
fifth of the race (some 110,000,000 souls), scattered to 
ilie ends of the earth, must protect four-fifths of the 
white territorial heritage against the pressure of colored 
races eleven times its numerical strength. 

As to the 1,150,000,000 of the colored world, they 
are divided, as already stated, into four primary cate- 


gories: yellows, browns, blacks, and reds. The yel- 
lows are the most numerous of the colored races, num- 
bering over 500,000,000. Their habitat is eastern 
Asia. N early as nmnerous and much more wide-spread 
than the yellows are the browns, numbering some 
450,000,000. The browns spread in a broad belt from 
the Pacific Ocean westward across southern Asia and 
northern Africa to the Atlantic Ocean. The blacks 
total about 150,000,000. Their centre is Africa south 
of the Sahara Desert, but besides the African conti- 
nent there are vestigial black traces across southern 
Asia to the Pacific and also strong black outposts 
in the Americas. Least numerous of the colored 
race-stocks are the reds — ^the “Indians” of the western 
hemisphere. Musteiing a total of less than 40,000,000, 
the reds are almost all located south of the Rio Grande 
in “Latin America.” 

Such is the ethnic make-up of that world of color 
which, as already seen, outnumbers the white world 
two to one. That is a formidable ratio, and its sig- 
nificance is heightened by the fact that this ratio seems 
destined to shift still further in favor of color. There 
can be no doubt that at present the colored races are 
increasing very much faster than the white. Treating 
the primary race-stocks as units, it would appear that 
whites tend to double in eighty years, yellows and 
browns in sixty years, blacks in forty years. The 
whites are thus the slowest breeders, and they will un- 
doubtedly become slower still, since section after sec- 
tion of the white race is revealing that lowered birth- 


rate which in France has reached the extreme of a 
stationary population. 

On the other hand, none of the colored races shows 
perceptible signs of declining birth-rate, all tending to 
breed up to the limits of available subsistence. Such 
' checks as now limit the increase of colored pojrula- 
tions are wholly external, like famine, disease, and 
tribal warfare. But by a curious irony of fate, the 
white man has long been busy removing these checks 
to colored multiplication. The greater pai-t of the 
colored v/orld is to-day under white political control. 
Wherever the white man goes he attempts to im- 
pose the bases of his ordered civilization. He puts 
down tribal war, he wages traceless combat against 
epidemic disease, and he so improves communications 
that augmented and better distributed food-supplies 
minimize the blight of famine. In response to these 
life-saving activities the enomious death-rate which in 
the past has kept the colored races from excessive 
multiplication is falling to proportions comparable with 
the death-rate of white countries. But to lower the 
colored world’s prodigious birth-rate is quite another 
matter. The consequence is a portentous increase of 
population in nearly ever}' portion of the colored world 
now under white political sw'ay. In fact, even those 
colored countries which have maintained their inde- 
pendence, such as China and Japan, arc adopting the 
white man’s life-conseiving methods and are exj)cri- 
encing the same accelerated increase of population. 

Now what must be the inevitable result of aU this? 



It can mean only one thing: a tremendous and stead- 
ily augmenting outward thrust of surplus colored men 
from overcrowded colored homelands. Remember that 
these homelands are already populated up to the avail- 
able limits of subsistence. Of course present limits 
can in many cases be pushed back by better living 
conditions, improved agricultuie, and the rise of mod- 
em machine industiy such as is already under way in 
Japan. Nevertheless, in view of the tremendous pop- 
ulation increases which must occur, these can be only 
palliatives. WTierc, then, should the congested colored 
world tend to pour its accumulating human surplus, 
incxorablj' condenmed to emigrate or starv'c? The 
answer is: into those emptier regions of the earth 
under white political control. But many of these rel- 
atively empty lands have been definitely set aside by 
the white man as his own special heritage. The up- 
shot is that the rising flood of color finds itself walled 
in by Avhite dikes debarring it from many a promised 
land which it would fain deluge with its dusky waves. 

Thus the colored world, long restive under white 
political domination, is being welded by the most 
fundamental of instincts, the instinct of self-jn’eseiwa- 
tion, into a common solidarity of feeling against the 
dominant white man, and in the fire of a common pur- 
pose internecine dilTerences tend, for the time at least, 
to be burned away. Before the supreme fact of white 
political world-domination, antipathies within the 
colored world must inevitably recede into the back- 
ground. • 


The imperious urge of the colored world toward 
racial expansion was well visualized by that keen 
English student of world affaire, Doctor E. J. Dillon, 
when he wrote more than a decade ago: “The problem 
is one of life and death — a veritable sphinx-question — 
to those most nearly concerned. For, no race, however 
inferior it may be, will consent to famish slowly in 
order that other people may fatten and take their 
ease, especially if it has a good chance to make a fight 
for life.” ‘ 

This white statement of the colored thesis is an 
accurate reflection of what colored men say them- 
selves. For example, a Japanese scholar, Professor 
Ryu taro Nagai, writes: “The w'orld was not made 
for the wliitc races, but for the other races as well. 
In Australia, South Africa, Canada, and the United 
States, there are vast tracts of unoccupied territory 
awaiting settlement, and although the citizens of the 
ruling Powers refuse to take up the land, no yellow 
people are permitted to enter. Thus the white races 
seem ready to commit to the savage birds and beasts 
what they refuse to intrust to their brcthi'cn of the 
yc.-llow race. Surely the arrogance and avarice of the 
nobility in a 2 )portioning to themselves the most and 
the best of the land in certain countries is as nothing 
comjrared with the attitude of the white races toward 
those of a different hue.” * 

‘ E. J. Dillon, “The Asialic Problem,” Contemporary Review, Febru- 
ary, 1908. 

' Ryutaro Nagai in The Japan Magazine. Quoted from The Amtri- 
can Review of Ueviews, July, 1913', p. 107. 



The bitter resentment of white predominance and 
exclusiveness awakened in many colored breasts is 
typified by the following lines penned by a brown 
man, a British-educated Afghan, shortly before the 
European War. Inveighing against our “racial preju- 
dice, that cowardly, wretched caste-mark of the Eu- 
ropean and the American the world over,” he exult- 
antly predicts “a coming struggle between Asia, all 
Asia, against Europe and America. You are heaping 
up material for a Jehad, a Pan-Islam, a Pan-Asia 
Holy War, a gigantic day of reckoning, an invasion of 
a new Attila and Tamerlane — ^who will use rifles and 
bullets, instead of lances and spears. You are deaf 
to the voice of reason and fairness, and so you must 
be taught with the whirring swish of the sword when 
it is red.” * 

Of course in these statements there is nothing either 
exceptional or novel. The colored races never wel- 
comed white predominance and were always restive 
under white control. Down to the close of the nine- 
teenth centuiy, however, they generally accepted 
white hegemony as a disagreeable but inevitable fact. 
For four hundred years the white man had added con- 
tinent to continent in his imperial progi’css, equipped 
with resistless sea-power and armed with a mechanical 
superiority that ciaished dovii all local efforts at re- 
sistance. In time, therefore, the colored races accord- 
ed to white supremaej’’ a fatalistic acquiescence, and, 

^Achmet Abdullah, “Seen Through Mohammedan Spectacles/' 
Forunif October, 1914 . • 

% 0 \. 


though never loved, the white man was usually re- 
spected and univoreally feai*cd. 

During the closing decades of the nineteenth cen- 
tui' 3 ', to be sure, 2 >rcnionitoiy signs of a change in 
attitude began to ai^pear. The yellow and brown 
races, at least, stirred by the vciy impact of Western 
ideas, measured the white man with a more critical 
eye and commenced to wonder whether his supe- 
riority was due to an}'thing more than a fortuitous 
combination of oircuin stances which might be altered 
by effoits of their own. Japan put tlus theoiy to 
the test by going sedulously to the white man’s 
school. The upshot was the Rxisso-.7apanese War of 
1904, an event the momentous character of which is 
even now not fully appreciated. Of course, that war 
was merely the sign-manual of a whole nexus of 
forces maldug for a revivified Asia. But it drama- 
tized and clarified idc^as which had l)ccn gonninating 
half-unconsciousl}' in millions of colored minds, and 
both Asia and Africa thrilled with joy and hope. 
Above all, the k'gt'iid of white invincibility la}', a fallen 
idol, in the dust. Nevertheless, though freed from im- 
aginary terroi's, the colored world accurately gauged 
the white man’s irractical strength and appreciated 
the magnitude of the task involved in overthrowing 
white supremacy. That supi’emacy was no longer 
acquiesced in as inevitable and hojies of ultimate suc- 
cess were confidently entertained, but the jnocess was 
usually conceived as a slow and difficult one. Fear of 
white pciwer and respc'st for white civilization thus 
remained pohait rc.straining factom. 



Then came the Great War. The colored world sud- 
denly saw the white peoples wliich, in racial matters 
had hitherto maintained something of a united front, 
locked in an intomocino douth-grapple of unparalleled 
ferocity; it saw those same peoples put one another 
furiously to the ban as irreconcilable foes; it saw white 
race-unity cleft by political and moral gulfs which 
white men themselves continuously iterated would 
never be filled. As colored men realized the signifi- 
cance of it all, they looked into each other’s eyes and 
there saw the light of undreamed-of hopes. The 
white world was tearing itself to pieces. White soli- 
darity was riven and shattered. And — fear of white 
power and re5S]ioct for white civilization together 
dropped away like garments outworn. Through the 
bazaars of Asia ran the siliilant whisper: “The East 
will see the West to bod ! ” 

The choras of mingled exultation, hate, and scorn 
sounded from evoiy portion of the colored world. 
Chinese scholare, Japanese professors, Hindu pundits, 
Turkish journalists, and .\Fro-.Vinericau editore, one 
and all voiced drastic ciiticisms of white civilization 
and hailed the war as a well-merited Xemesis on white 
arrogance and greed, ’fliis is how the Constantinople 
Tanine, the most serious Turkish newsi)aper, character- 
ized the European Powers: “They would not look at 
the evils in their own coiuitries or elsewhere, but mter- 
fered at the slightest incident in our bortlers; every day 
they would gnaw at some pait of our rights and our 
sovereignty; they would perform vivisection on our 
quivering flesh and cut off great pieces of it And we, 


with a forcibly controlled spirit of rebellion in our 
hearts and with clinched but powerless fists, silent and 
depressed, would murmur as the fire burned within: 
‘Oh, that they might fall out with one another ! Oh, 
that they might eat one another up!’ Andlol to-day 
they are eating each other up, just as the Turk wished 
they would.”* 

rhe Afro-American author, W. E. Burghardt Dubois, 
wrote of the colored world: “These nations and races, 
composing as they do a vast majority of humanity, 
are going to endure this treatment just as long as 
they must and not a moment longer. Then they are 
going to fight, and the War of the Color Line will 
outdo in savage inhumanity any war this world has 
yet seen. For colored folk have much to remember 
and they will not forget.”* 

“What does the European War mean to us Orien- 
tals?” queried the Japanese writer, Yone Noguchi’ 
“It means the saddest downfall of the so-called west- 
ern civilization; our belief that it was builded upon a 
higher and sounder footing than ours was at once 
knocked down and killed; we are sorry that we some- 
how overestimated its happy possibility and were de- 
ceived and cheated by its superficial glory. My recent 
western journey confirmed me that the so-called dy- 
namic western civilization was all against the Asiatic 
belief. And when one does not respect the others, 

* Quoted from The Literary Digest, October 24, 1914, p. 784. 

’W. E. Burghardt Dubois “The African Rmts of War,” AUanUe 

Monthly, May, 1915 . ^ 


there will be only one thing to come, that is, fight, in 
action or silence.” ‘ 

Such was the colored world’s reaction to the white 
death-grapple, and as the long struggle dragged on 
both Asia and Africa stirred to their very depths. To 
I be sure, no great explosions occurred during the war 
years, albeit lifting veils of censorship reveal how nar- 
rowly such explosions were averted. Nevertheless, 
Asia and Africa are to-day in acute ferment, and we 
must not forget that this ferment is not primarily due 
to the war. The war merely accelerated a movement 
already existent long before 1914. Even if the Great 
War had been averted, the twentieth century must 
have been a time of wide-spread racial readjustments 
in which the white man’s present position of political 
world-domination would have been sensibly modified, 
especially in Asia. However, had the white race and 
white civilization been spared the temfic material and 
moral losses involved in the Great War and its still 
unliquidated aftermath, the process of racial readjust- 
ment would have been far more gradual and would 
have been fraught with far fewer cataclysmic possibili- 
ties. Had white strength remained intact it would have 
acted as a powerful shock-absorber, taking up and dis- 
tributing the various colored impacts. As a result, 
the coming modification of the world’s racial equilib- 
rium, though inevitable, would have been so graduated 
that it would have seemed more an evolution than a 

* Yone Noguchi, “The Downfall of Western Civilisation,” The Na- 
tion CNew York), October 8, 1914. • 


revolution. Such violent breaches as did occur might 
have been localized, and anytliing like a general race- 
cataclysm would probably have been impossible. 

But it was not to be. The heart of the white world 
was divided against itself, and on the fateful 1st of 
August, 1914, the wliito race, forgetting ties of blood 
and culture, heedless of the growing pressure of the 
colored world without, locked in a battle to the death. 
An ominous cycle opened whoso end no man can fore- 
see. Ai’mageddon engendered Versailles; earth’s woist 
war closed with an unconstructive peace which left 
old sores unhealed and even dealt fresh wounds. The 
white world to-day lies debilitated and uncured; the 
colored world views conditions which arc a standing 
incitement to rash dreams and violent action. 

Such is the present status of the world’s race-problem, 
expressed in general tenns. The analysis of the speci- 
fic elements in that complex problem will form the 
subject of the succeeding chapters. 


Yellow Man’s Land is the Far East. Here the 
group of kindred stocks usually termed Mongolian 
have dwelt for unniunbered ages. Down to the most 
recent times the yellows lived virtually a life apart. 
Sundered from the rest of mankind by stupendous 
mountains, burning deserts, and the illimitable ocean, 
the Far East constituted a world in itself, living its 
own life and developing its own peculiar civilization. 
Only the wild nomads of its northern marches— Huns, 
Mongols, Tartars, and the like — succeeded in gaining 
direct contact with the brown and white worlds to the 

The ethnic focus of the yellow world has always 
been China. Since the dawn of history this immense 
human ganglion has been the centre from which civili- 
zation has radiated throughout the Far East. About 
this “Middle Kingdom,” as it sapiently styled itself, 
the other yellow folk were disposed — ^Japanese and 
Koreans to the east; Siamese, Annamites, and Cam- 
bodians to the south; and to the north the nomad 
Mongols and Manchus. To all these peoples China 
was the august preceptor, sometimes chastising their 
presumption, yet always instilling the principles of its 
ordered civilization. However diverse may have been 



the individual developments of the various Far East- 
ern peoples, they spring from a conxmon Chinese 
foun^tion. Despite modem Japan’s meteoric rise 
to political masteiy of the Far East, it must not be 
forgotten that China remains not only the cultural 
but also the territorial and racial centre of the yellow 
world. Four-fifths of the yellow race is concentrated 
in China, there being nearly 400,000,000 Chinese as 
against 60,000,000 Japanese, 16,000,000 Koreans, 26,- 
000,000 Indo-Chinese, and perhaps 10,000,000 people 
of non-Chinese stocks included within China’s political 

The age-long seclusion of the yellow world, first 
decreed by nature, was subsequently maintained by 
the voluntary decision of the yellow peoples themselves. 
The great expansive movement of the white race which 
began four centuries ago soon brought white men to 
the Far East, by sea in the persons of the Portuguese 
navigators and by land with the Cossack adventurers 
ranging through the empty spaces of Siberia. Yet 
after a brief acquaintance with the white strangers the 
yellow world decided that it wanted none of them, and 
thpy were rigidly excluded. This exclusion policy was 
not a Chinese peculiarity; it was common to all the 
yellow peoples and was adopted spontaneously at 
about the same time. In China, Japan, Korea, and 
Indo-China, the same reaction produced the same re- 
sults. The yellow world instinctively felt the white 
man to be a destractive, dissolving influence on its 
highly specialized line of evolution, which it wished to 


maintain unaltered. For three centuries the yellow 
world succeeded in maintaining its isolation, then, in 
the middle of the last centuiy, insistent white pressure 
broke down the barriers and forced the yellow races 
into full contact with the outer world. 

At the moment, the “opening” of the Far East was 
hailed by white men with general approval, but of late 
years many white observers have regretted this forcible 
draggmg of reluctant races into the full stream of world 
affairs. As an Australian writer, J. Liddell Kelly, 
remarks: “We have erred giievously by prematurely 
forcing ourselves upon Asiatic races. The instinct of 
the Asiatic in desiring isolation and separation from 
other forms of civilization was much more correct than 
our craze for imposing our forais of religion, morals, 
and industrialism upon them. It is not race-hatred, 
nor even race-antagonism, that is at the root of this 
attitude; it is an unerring intuition, which in years 
gone by has taught the Asiatic that his evolution in 
the scale of chdlization could best be accomplished by 
his being allowed to develop on his own lines. Per- 
nicious European compulsion has led him to abandon 
that attitude. Let us not be ashamed to confess that 
he was right and we were wrong.” ‘ 

However, rightly or wTongly, the deed was done, and 
the yellow races, forced into the world-arena, proceeded 
to adapt themselves to their new political environment 
and to learn the correct methods of survival under the 

‘ J. Liddell Kelly, ‘'What is the Matter with the Asiatic?” TTest- 
minster Review, September, 1910. • 


strenuous conditions which there prevailed. In place 
of their traditional equilibrated, self-sufficient order, 
the yellow peoples now felt the ubiquitous impacts 
of the dynamic Western spirit, insistent upon rapid 
material progress and forceful, ejqjansive evolution. 
Japan was the first yeUow people to go methodically 
to the white man’s school, and Japan’s rapid acquire- 
ment of the white man’s technology soon showed itself 
in dramatic demonstrations like her military triumphs 
over China in 1894, and over Russia a decade later. 

Japan’s easy \dctory over huge China astounded the 
whole world. That these "highly intelligent children,” 
as one of the early British ministers to Japan had char- 
acterized them, should have so rapidly acquired the 
technique of Western methods was almost unbelievable. 
Indeed, the full significance of the lesson was not im- 
mediately grasped, and the power of New Japan was 
still underestimated. A good example of Europe’s 
imderestimation of Japanese strength was the proposal 
a Dutch writer made in 1896 to curb possible Japanese 
aggression on the Dutch Indies by taking from Japan 
the island of Formosa which Japan had acquired from 
China as one of the fruits of victoiy. “Holland,” 
asserted this writer, “must take possession of For- 
mosa.” * The grotesqueness of this dictum as it appears 
to us in the light of subsequent history shows how the 
world has moved in twenty-five years. 

But even at that time Japan’s expansionist ten- 

^ Professor Schlegel in the Hague Dagblad, Quoted from The Liier-- 
ary Digest, November 7, 1896, Pj 24. 



dencies were Well developed, and voices were warning 
against Japanese imperialism. In the very month 
when our Hollander was advocating a Dutch seizure of 
Formosa, an Australian wrote the following lines in a 
Melbourne newspaper concerning his recent travels in 
Japan: “While in a car with several Japanese officers, 
they were conversing about Australia, saying that it 
was a fine, large country, with great forests and excel- 
lent soil for the cultivation of rice and other products. 
The whites settled in Australia, so thought these 
officers, are like the dog in the manger. Some one 
will have to take a good part of Australia to develop 
it, for it is a pity to see so fine a countiy lying waste. 
If any ill-feeling arose between the two countries, it 
would be a wise thing to send some battleships to 
Australia and annex part of it.”* 

Whatever may have been the vrorld’s misreading of 
the Chino-Japanese conflict, the same cannot be said 
of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904. The echoes of 
that yellow triumph over one of the great white Powers 
reverberated to the ends of the earth and started ob- 
scure trains of consequences even to-day not yet fully 
disclosed. The war’s reactions in these remoter fields 
will be discussed in later chapters. Its effect upon the 
Far East is our present concern. And the well-nigh 
unanimous opinion of both natives and resident Euro- 
peans was that the war signified a body-blow to white 
ascendancy. So profound an English student of the 

^ Audley Coote in the Melbourne Argus, 
Digest, November 7, 1896, p. 24. • 

Quoted from The Literary 


Orient as Meredith Townsend wrote: "It may be 
taken as certain that the victory of Japan will be pro- 
foundly felt by the majority of European states. 
With the exception of Austria, all European countries 
have implicated themselves in the great effort to con- 
quer Asia, which has now been going on for two cen- 
turies, but which, as this author thinks, must now 
terminate. . . . The disposition, therefore, to edge out 
intrusive Europeans from their Asiatic possessions is 
certain to exist even if it is not manifested in Tokio, 
and it may be fostered by a movement of which, as 
yet, but little has been said. No one who has ever 
studied the question doubts that as there is a comity 
of Europe, so there is a comity of Asia, a disposition to 
believe that Asia belongs of right to Asiatics, and that 
any event which brings that right nearer to realization 
is to all Asiatics a pleasurable one. Japanese victories 
win give new heart and energy to all the Asiatic na- 
tions and tribes which now fret under European rule, 
will inspire in them a new confidence in their own power 
to resist, and will spread through them a strong im- 
pulse to avail themselves of Japanese instruction. It 
will take, of course, many years to bring this new force 
into play; but time matters nothing to Asiaticn, and 
they all possess that capacity for complete secrecy which 
the Japanese displayed.”* 

That Meredith Townsend was reading the Asiatic 
mind aright seems clear from the pronoimcements of 

'Meredith Townsend, “Asia and Europe” (fourth edition, 1911). 
From the preface to the fourth edition, pages xvii-xix. 


Orientals themselves. For exan:ple, Bvddhism, of Ran- 
goon, Burmah, a country of the Indo-Chinese border- 
land between the yellow and brown worlds, expressed 
hopes for an Oriental alliance against the whites. “It 
would, we think,” said this paper, “be no great wonder 
if a few years after the conclusion of this war saw the 
completion of a defensive alliance between Japan, 
China, and not impossibly Siam — ^the formulation of a 
new Monroe Doctrine for the Far East, guaranteeing 
the integrity of existing states against further aggression 
from the West. The West has justified — ^perhaps with 
some reason — every aggression on weaker races by the 
doctrine of the Survival of the Fittest; on the ground 
that it is best for future humanity that the imfit 
should be eliminated and give place to the most able 
race. That doctrine applies equally well to any possible 
struggle between Aiyan and Mongolian — whichever 
survives, should it ever come to a sti-uggle between the 
two for world-mastciy, will, on their own doctrine, be 
the one most fit to do so, and if the surxdvor be the 
Mongolian, then is the Mongolitm no ‘peril’ to hu- 
manity, but the better part of it.” * 

The decade which elapsed between the Russo- 
Japanese and European Ware saw in the Far East an- 
other event of the first magnitude: the Chinese Revolu- 
tion of 1911. Toward the close of the nineteenth 
centmy the world had been eamestty discussing the 
“break-up” of China. The huge empire, with its 
400,000,000 of people, one-fourth the entire human race, 

‘ Quoted from The American Review of Reviews, February, 1905, p. 219. 


seemed at that time plunged in so hopeless a lethaigy 
as to be foredoomed to speedy ruin. About the ap- 
par®itly moribimd carcass the eagles of the earth were 
already gathered, planning a “partition of China” 
analogous to the recent partition of Africa. The parti- 
tion of China, however, never came off. The prodigi- 
ous moral shock of the Japanese War roused China’s 
^te to the imminence of their countiy’s peril. First 
attempts at reform were blocked by the Dowager 
Empress, but her reactionary lurch ended in the Boxer 
nightmare and the frightful Occidental chastisement of 
1900. This time the lesson was learned. China was 
at last shaken broad awake. The Bourbon Manchu 
court, it is true, wavered, but popular pressure forced 
it to keep the upward path. Every year after 1900 saw 
increasingly rapid reform — reform, be it noted, not 
imposed upon the country from above but forced upon 
the rulers from below. When the slow-footed Manchus 
showed themselves congenitally incapable of keeping 
step with the quickening national pace, the rising tide 
of national life overwhelmed them in the Republican 
Revolution of 1911, and they were no more. 

Even with the Manchu handicap, the rate of prog- 
ress duriiig those years was such as to amaze the 
wisest foreign observers. “Could the sage, Confucius, 
have returned a decade ago,” wrote that ‘‘old Chma 
hand,” W. R. Manning, in 1910, “he would have felt 
almost as much at home as when he departed twenty- 
five centuries before. Should he return a decade hence 
he will feel almost as much out of place as Rip Van 



Winkle, if the recent rate of progress continues.”* 
Toward the close of 1909 a close student of thin^ 
Chinese, Harlan P. Beach, remarked: “Those who, like 
myself, can compare the China of twenty-five years 
ago with the China of tliis year, can hardly believe our 
senses.”® It was on top of all this that there came the 
revolution, a happening hailed by so sophisticated an 
observer as Doctor Dillon as “the most momentous 
event in a thousand years. ” ® Whatever may have been 
the political blunders of the revolutionists (and they 
were many), the revolution’s moral results were 
stupendous. The stream of Western innovation flowed 
at a vastly accelerated pace into every Chinese province. 
The popular masses were for the first time awakened 
to genuine interest in political, as distinguished from 
economic or personal, questions. Lastly, the semi- 
religious feeling of family kinship, which in the past 
had been almost the sole recognized bond of Chinese 
race-solidarity, was powerfully supplemented by those 
distinctively modern concepts, national self-conscious- 
ness and articulate patriotism. 

Here was the Far Eastern situation at the out- 
break of the Great War — a thoroughly modernized, 
powerful Japan, and a thoroughly aroused, but still 
disorganized, China. The Great IVar automatically 
made Japan supreme in the Far East by temporarily 

'W. R. Manning, “China and the Powers Since the Boxer Move- 
ment,” Aynerioan Journal of International Law^ October, 1910. 

* Quoted by Manning, supra. 

^ £. J. Dillon, “The Most Momentous Event in a Thousand Years,” 
Ceniemperary Review^ December, 1911. • 


reducing all the European Powers to ciphers in Oriental 
affairs. How Japan proceeded to buttress this su- 
premacy by getting a strangle-hold on China, every 
one knows. Japan’s methods were brutal and cynical, 
though not a whit more so than the methods employed 
by white nations seeking to attain vital ends. And 
“vital” is precisclj’’ how Japan regards her hold over 
China. An essentially poor country with a teeming 
population, Japan feels that the exploitation of China’s 
incalculable natural resources, a privileged position 
in the Chinese market, and guidance of Chinese nar 
tional evolution in ways not inimical to Japan, can alone 
assure her future. 

Japan’s attitude toward her huge neighbor is one 
of mingled superiority and apprehension. She banks 
on China’s traditional pacifism, yet she is too shrewd 
not to realize the explosive possibilities latent in the 
modem nationalist idea. As a Japanese publicist, 
Adachi Ednnosuke, remarks: “The Twentieth Cen- 
tury Jenghiz Khan threatening the Sun-Flag with a 
Mongol horde anned with Krupp guns may possibly 
strike the Western sense of humor. But it is not al- 
together pleasing to conteinjilate a neighbor of 400,- 
000,000 population with modem armament and soldiers 
trained on the modem plan. The awakening of China 
means all this and a little more which we of the present 
are not sure of. Japan cannot forget that between this 
nightmare of armed China and herself there is only a 
very narrow sea.”‘ Certainly, “Young China” has 

‘ Adac.hi Kinnosuke, “Does Japanese Trade Endanger the Peace of 
Asia?” WarWs Work, April, 1909. 



already displayed much of that unpleasant ebullience 
which usually accompanies nationalist awakenings. 
A French observer, Jean Rodes, writes on this point: 
“One of the things that most disquiet thinking men 
is that this new generation, completely neglecting Chi- 
nese studies while knowing nothing of Western science, 
yet convinced that it knows everything, will no longer 
possess any standard of values, national culture, or 
foreign culture. We can only await with apprehen- 
sion the results of such ignorance united with un- 
bounded pride as characterize the Chinese youth of 
to-day.” ‘ And another French observer, Ren6 Pinon, 
as far back as 1905, found the primary school children 
of Kiang-Su province chanting the following Imes: 
“T pray that the frontiers of my countiy become 
hard as bronze; that it surpass Europe and America; 
that it subjugate Japan; that its land and sea armies 
cover themselves with resplendent gloiy ; that over the 
whole earth float the Dragon Standard; that the uni- 
versal mastery of the empire extend and progress. 
May our empire, like a sleeping tiger suddenly awak- 
ened, spring roaring into the arena of combats.”® 

Japan’s masterful policy in China is thus unques- 
tionably hazardous. Chinese national feeling is to- 
day genuinely aroused against Japan, and resentment 
over Japanese encroachments is bitter and wide-spread. 
Nevertheless, Japan feels that the game is worth the 
risk and believes that both Chinese race-psychology 
and the general diift of world affairs combine to favor 

* J«an Rodes in L'Ane FTanpiise, June, *1911. 

•Een6 Pinon, “La Lutte pour le Pacifique,” p. 152 (Paris, 1906). 


her ultimate success. She knows that China has in 
the past always acquiesced in foreign domination when 
resistance has proved patently impossible. She also 
feels that her aspirations for white e3q)ulsion from the 
Far East and for the winning of wider spheres for racial 
expansion should appeal strongly to yellow peoples 
generally and to the Chinese in particular. To turn 
China’s nascent nationalism into p\u*ely anti-white 
channels and to transmute Chinese patriotism into a 
wider “Pan-Mongolism” would constitute a Japanese 
triiunph of incalculable splendor. It would increase 
her effective force manyfold and would open up almost 
limitless vistas of power and glory. 

Nor are the Chinese themselves blind to the ad- 
vantages of Chino-Japanese co-operation. They have 
an instinctive assurance in their own capacities, they 
know how they have ultimately digested all their 
conquerors, and many Chinese to-day think that from 
a Chino^apanese partnership, no matter how framed, 
the inscrutable “Sons of Han” would eventually get 
the lion’s share. Certainly no one has ever denied the 
Chinaman’s extraordinary economic efficioiey. Win- 
nowed by ages of grim elimination in a land populated 
to the uttermost limits of subsistence, the Chinese 
race is selected as no other for survival imder the fierc- 
est conditions of economic stress. At home the aver- 
age Chinese lives his whole life literally within a hand’s 
brei.dth of starvation. Accordingly, when removed 
to the easier environment of other lands, the China- 
man biings with him a working capacity which simply 
appalls his competitors. That urbane Celestial, Doctor 


29 . 

Wu-Ting-Fang, well says of his own people: “Experi- 
ence proves that the Chinese as all-round laborers can 
easily outdistance all competitors. They are industri- 
ous, intelligent, and orderly. They can work under 
conditions that would kill a man of less hardy race; 
in heat that would kill a salamander, or in cold that 
would please a polar bear, sustaining their energies 
through long hours of unremitting toil with only a few 
bowls of rice.”^ This Chinese estimate is echoed by 
the most competent foreign observers. The Austra- 
lian thinker, Charles H. Pearson, wrote of the Chinese 
a generation ago in his epoch-making book, “National 
Life and Character”: “Flexible as Jews, they can 
thrive on the mountain plateaux of Thibet and under 
the sun of Singapore; more versatile even than Jews, 
they arc excellent laborem, and not without merit 
as soldiers and sailors; while they have a capacity for 
trade which no other nation of the East possesses. 
They do not need even the accident of a man of genius 
to develop their magnificent future.”® And Lafeadio 
Hearn says: “A people of hundreds of millions dis- 
ciplined for thousands of years to the most untiring 
industiy and the most self-denying thrift, under con- 
ditions which would mean worse than death for our 
working masses — a people, in short, quite content to 
strive to the uttermost in exchange for the simple 
privilege of life.”® 

‘ Quoted Alleyne Ireland, “Commercial Aspects of the Yellow 
Peril,” North American RevieWf September, 1900. 

* Charles H. Pearson, “National Life and Character,” p. 118 (2d 

edition). • 

• Quoted by Ireland, supra. 


This economic superioidty of the Chinaman shows 
not only with other races, but with his yellow kindred 
as well. As regards the Japanese, John Chinaman has 
proved it to the hilt. Wherever the two have met in 
economic competition, John has won hands down. 
Even in Japanese colonies like Korea and Formosa, 
the Japanese, with aU the backing of their government 
behind them, have been worsted. In fact, Japan it- 
self, so bitter at white refusals to receive her emigrants, 
has been obliged to enact drastic exclusion laws to 
protect her working classes from the influx of “Chinese 
cheap labor.” It seems, therefore, a just calculation 
when Chinese estimate that Japanese triumphs against 
white adversaries would inure largely to China’s bene- 
fit. After all, Chinese and Japanese are fundamentally 
of the same race and culture. They may have their 
very bitter family quarrels, but in the last analysis they 
understand each other and may arrive at surprisingly 
sudden agreements. One thing is certain: both these 
over-populated lands will feel increasingly the imperi- 
ous need of racial expansion. For all these reasons, 
then, the present political tension between China and 
Japan cannot be reckoned as permanent, and we 
would do well to envisage the possibility of close Chinese 
co-operation in the ambitious programme of Japanese 
foreign policy . ^ ^ y 

This Japanese programme looks first to the preven- 
tion of all further white encroachment in the Far East 
by the establishment of a Far Eastern Monroe Dor- 
bine based on Japanese predominance and backed 



if possible by the moral support of the other Far 
Ea^em peoples. The next stage in Japanese foreign 
policy seems to be the systematic elimination of all 
existing white holdings in the Far East. Thus far 
practically all Japanese appear to be in substantial 
agreement. Beyond this point lies a wide realm of 
aspiration ranging from determination to secure com- 
plete racial equality and freedom of immigration into 
white lands to imperialistic dreams of wholesale con- 
quests and “world-dominion.” These last items do 
not represent the imited aspiration of the Japanese 
nation, but they are cherished by powerful circles 
which, owing to Japan’s oligarchical system of govern- 
ment, possess an influence over governmental action 
quite disproportionate to their numbers. 

Although Japanese plans and aspirations have broad- 
ened notably since 1914, their outlines were well de- 
fined a decade earlier. Immediately after her victory 
over Russia, Japan set herself to strengthen her in- 
fluence all over eastern Asia. Special efforts were made 
to establish intimate relations wth the other Asiatic 
peoples. Asiatic students were invited to attend Jap- 
anese universities and as a matter of fact did attend 
by the thousand, while a whole series of societies was 
formed having for their object the knitting of close 
cultural and economic ties between Japan and specific 
regions like China, Siam, the Pacific, and even India. 
The capstone was a “ Pan-Asiatic Association,” founded 
by Count Okuma. Some of the facta regarding these 
societies, about which too little is known, make in- 


teresting reading. For instance, there was the “Pacific 
Ocean Society” (“Taheijoka”), whose preamble reads 
in part; “For a century the Pacific Ocean has been a 
battle-ground wherein the nations have struggled for 
supremacy. To-day the prosperity or decadence of a 
nation depends on its power m the Pacific: to possess 
the empire of the Pacific is to be the Master of the 
World. As Japan finds itself at the centre of that 
Oeean, whose waves bathe its shores, it must reflect 
carefully and have clear views on Pacific questions.”^ 
Equally interesting is the “Indo-Japanese Associa- 
tion,” whose activities appear somewhat peculiar in 
view of the political alliance between Japan and the 
British Empire. One of the first ai-ticles of its consti- 
tution (from Count Okuma’s pen, by the way) reads: 
“ AU men were bom equal. The Asiatics have the same 
claim to be called men as the Europeans themselves. 
It is therefore quite unreasonable that the latter 
should have any right to predominate over the former.”* 
No mention is made anywhere in the document of 
India’s political connection with England. In fact, 
Coimt Okuma, in the autumn of 1907, had this to say 
regarding India: “Being oppressed by the Europeans, 
the 300,000,000 people of India are looking for Japanese 
protection. They have commenced to boycott Euro- 
pean merchandise. If, therefore, the Japanese let the 
chance slip by and do not go to India, the Indians will 

'Quoted by Scie-Ton-Fa, “La Chine et le Japon/’ RmuA Politique 
fntenuttionalef September, 1915. 

• The Literary Digest, March»5, 1910, p. 429. 



be disappointed. From old times, India has been a 
land of treasure. Alexander the Great obtained there 
treasure sufficient to load a hundred camels, and 
Mahmoud and Attila also obtained riches from India. 
Why should not the Japanese stretch out their hands 
toward that ccwntry, now that the people are looking 
to the Japanese? The Japanese ought to go to India, 
the South Ocean, and other parts of the world.” ^ 

In 1910, Putnam Weale, a competent English student 
of Oriental affairs, asserted: “It can no longer be 
doubted that a very deliberate policy is certainly being 
quietly and cleverly pursued. Despite all denials, it 
is a faet that Japan has already a great hold in 
the schools and in the vernacular newspapers all over 
eastern Asia, and that the gospel of ‘Asia for the 
Asiatics’ is being steadily preached not only by her 
schoolmasters and her editors, but by her merchants 
and peddlers, and every other man who travels.”* 
Exactly how much these Japanese propagandist ef- 
forts accomplished is impossible to say. Certain it is, 
however, that during the years just previous to the 
Great War the white colonies in the Far East were 
afflicted with considerable native mirest. In French 
Indo-China, for example, rcvolutionaiy movements 
during the year 1908 necessitated reinforcing the 
French garrison by nearly 10,000 men, and though the 
disturbances were sternly repressed, fresh conspiracies 

* The Literary Digest, January 18, 1908, p. 81. 

*B. L. Putnam Weale, “Tlie Conlliet of Color,” pp. 146-6 (New 
Yoric, 1910). • 


were discovered in 1911 and 1913. Much sedition and 
some sharp fighting also took place in the Dutch Indies, 
while in the Philippines the independence movement 
continued to gain ground. 

What the growing self-consciousness of the Far East 
portended for the white man’s ultimate status in those 
regions was indicated by an English publicist, J. D. 
Whelpley, who wrote, shortly after the outbreak of the 
European War: “With the aid of Western ideas the 
Far East is fast attaining a solidarity impossible under 
purely Oriental methods. The smug satisfaction ex- 
pressed in the West at what is called the ‘moderniza- 
tion’ of the East shows lack of wisdom or an in- 
effective gi'asp of the meanmg of comparatively recent 
events in Japan, China, eastern Siberia, and even in 
the Philippines. In yeai-s past the solidarity of the 
Far East was largely in point of view, while in other 
matters the powerful nations of the West played the 
game according to their own rules. To-day the soli- 
darity of mental outlook still maintains, while in addi- 
tion there is rapidly coming about a solidarity of 
political and material interests which in time will re- 
duce Western participation in Far Eastern affairs to 
that of a comparatively unimportant factor. It might 
truly be said that this point is already reached, and 
that it only needs an application of the test to prove 
to the world that the Far East would resent Western 
interference as an intolerable impertinence.”* 

‘ J. D. Wholpley, ‘‘East and West: A New Line of Cleavage/’ Fort-' 
fughtly Review, May, 1915. 



The scope of Japan’s aspirations, together with dif- 
ferences of outlook between various sections of Japanese 
public opinion as to the rate of progress feasible for 
Japanese expansion, account for Japan’s differing atti- 
tudes toward the white Powers. Officially, the key- 
stone of Japan’s foreign policy since the beginning of 
the present centiny has been the alliance with England, 
first negotiated in 1902 and renewed with extensive 
modifications in 1911. The 1902 alliance was univer- 
sally populai- in Japan. It was directed specifically 
against Russia and represented the common appre- 
hensions of both the contracting parties. By 1911, 
however, the situation had radically altered. Japan’s 
aspirations in the Far East, particularly as regards 
China, were arousing wide-spread uneasiness in many 
quarters, and the English communities in the Far East 
generally condemned the new alliance as a gross blunder 
of British diplomacy. In Japan also there was con- 
siderable protest. The official organs, to be sure, 
stressed the necessity of friendship with the Mistress 
of the Seas for an island empire like Japan, but op- 
position circles pointed to England’s practical refusal 
to be drawn into a war w'ith the United States under 
any circumstances which constituted the outstanding 
feature of the new' treaty and declared that Japan was 
giving much and receiving nothing in return. 

The growing divergence between Japanese and Eng- 
lish views regarding China increased anti-English feel- 
ing, and in 1912 the semi-official Japan Magazine as- 
serted roundly that the genefal feeling in Japan w'as 


that the alliance was a detriment rather than a benefit, 
going on to forecast a possible alignment with Rusaa 
and Germany, and remarking of the latter: “Germany’s 
healthy imperialism and scientific development would 
have a wholesome effect upon our nation and progress, 
while the German habit of perseverance and frugality 
is just what we need. German wealth and industry are 
gradually creeping upward to that of Great Britain 
and America, and the efficiency of the German army 
and navy is a model for the world. Her lease of the 
territory of Kiaochow Bay brings her into contact with 
us, and her ambition to exploit the coal-mines of Shan- 
timg lends her a community of interest with us. It is 
not too much to say that Geiman interests in China 
are greater than those of any other European Power. 
If the alliance with England should ever be abrogated, 
we might be very glad to shako hands with Germany.” '■ 
The outbreak of the European War gave Japan a 
golden opportunity (of which she was not slow to take 
advantage) to eliminate one of the white Powers from 
the Far East. The German stronghold of Kiaochow 
was promptly reduced, while Germany’s possessions 
in the Pacific Ocean north of the equator, the Caroline, 
Pelew, Marianne, and Marshall island-groups, were 
likewise occupied by Japanese forces. Her- Japan 
stopped and politely declined aU proposals to send 
armies to Europe or western Asia. Her sphere was the 
Far East; her real objectives were the reduction of 
white influence there and the riveting of her control 

‘ The Literary Dtgest, July 6, 1912, p. 9. 


over China. Japanese comment was perfectly can- 
did on these matters. As the semi-official Japanese 
Colonial Journal put it in the autumn of 1914: “To 
protect Chinese territory Japan is ready to fight no 
matter what nation. Not only will Japan try to erase 
the ambitions of Russia and Germany; it will also 
do its best to prevent England and the United States 
from touching the Chinese cake. The solution of the 
Chinese problem is of great importance for Japan, and 
Great Britain has little to do with it.”* 

Equally frank were Japanese warnings to the English 
ally not to oppose Japan’s progress in China. English 
criticism of the series of ultimatums by which Japan 
forced reluctant China to do her bidding roused angry 
admonitions like the following from the Tokio Universe 
in April, 1915: “Hostile English opinion seems to 
want to oppose Japanese demands in China. The 
English forget that Japan has, by her alliance, rendered 
them signal services against Russia in 1905 and in the 
present war by assuring security in their colonies of the 
Pacific and the Far East. If Japan allied hemelf with 
England, it was with the object of establishing Japanese 
preponderance in China and agauist the encroachments 
of Russia. To-day the English seem to be neglecting 
their obligations toward Japan by not supporting her 
cause. Let England beware! Japan will tolerate no 
wavering; she is quite ready to abandon the Anglo- 
Japanese alliance and turn to Russia — a Power with 
whom she can agree perfectly regarding Far Eastern 

^ Quoted by Scie-TCJIn-Fa, supra. 


interests. In the future, even, she is ready to draw 
closer to Germany. The English colonies will then be 
in great peril.” ^ 

As to the imminence of a Russo-Japanese understand- 
ing, the joiunal just quoted proved a true prophet, for 
a year later, in July, 1916, the Japanese and Russian 
Governments signed a diplomatic instrument which 
amoimted practically to an alliance. By this docu- 
ment Russia recognized Japan’s paramountcy over the 
bulk of China, while Japan recognized Russia’s special 
interests in China’s Western dependencies, Mongolia 
and Turkestan. Japan had thus eliminated another 
of the white Powers from the Pai* East, since Russia 
renoimced those ambitions to dominate China proper 
which had provoked the war of 1904. 

Meanwhile the press campaign against England con- 
tinued. A typical sample is this editorial from the 
Tokio Yarnato: “Great Britain never wished at heart 
to become Japan’s ally. She did not wish to enter into 
such intimate relations with us, for she privately re- 
garded us as an upstart nation radically different from 
us in blood and religion. It was simply the force of 
circumstances which compelled her to enter into an 
alliance with us. It is the height of conceit on our 
part to think that England really cared for our friend- 
ship, for she never did. It was the Russian menace 
to India and Persia on the one hand, and the German 
asceudancg?’ on the other, which compelled her to clasp 
our hands.”* 

* Quoted by Scie-Ton-Fa, supra. 

* The Literary Digest, February 12, 1916, pp. 369-70. 



At the same time many good things were being said 
about Germany. At no time during the war was any 
real hostility to the Germans apparent in Japan. Ger- 
many was of course expelled from her Far Eastern foot- 
holds in smart, workmanlike fashion, but the fighting 
before Kiaochow was conducted without a trace of 
hatred, the German prisoners were treated as honored 
captives, and German civilians in Japan suffered no 
molestation. Japanese writers were very frank in stat- 
ing that, once Germany resigned herself to exclusion 
from the Far East and acquiesced in Japanese pre- 
dominance in China, no reason existed why Japan 
and Germany should not be good friends. Unofficial 
diplomatic exchanges certainly took place between the 
two governments during the war, and no rancor for 
the past appeal's to exist on either side to-day. 

The year 1917 brought three momentous modifica- 
tions into the world-situation: the entrance of the 
United States and China into the Great War and the 
Russian Revolution. The first two were intensely dis- 
tasteful to Japan. The transformation of virtually im- 
aimed America into a first-class fighting power reacted 
portentously upon the Far East, while China’s adhesion 
to the Grand Alliance (bitterly opposed in Tokio) 
rescued her from diplomatic isolation and gave her 
potential friends. The Russian Revolution was also 
a source of perplexity to Tokio. In 1916, as we have 
seen, Japan hatl arrived at a thorough imderstanding 
with the Czarist regime. The new Russian Govern- 
ment was an unknown quantity, acting quite differently 
from the old. 


Russia’s collapse into Bolshevist anarchy, however, 
presently opened up new vistas. Not merely northern 
Manchuria, but also the huge expanse of Siberia, an 
almost empty world of vast potential riches, lay 
temptingly ex])Osed. At once the powerful imperialist 
elements in Jajiaiicse political life began clamoring 
for “foiward” action. An oiipoilunity for such action 
was soon vouchsafed by the Allied determination to 
send a composite force to Siberia to checkmate the 
machmations of the Russian Bolsheviki, now hostile 
to the Allies and playing into the hands of Ger- 
many. The imperialist party at Tokio took the bit 
in its teeth, and, in flagrant disregard of the intcr- 
AUied agreement, pom*ed a great army into Siberia, 
occupjdng the whole country as far west as Lake 
Baikal. This was in the spring of 1918. The Allies, 
then in their supreme death-gi-apple with the Germans, 
dared not even protest, but in the autumn, when the 
battle-tide had turned in Europe, Japan was called to 
account, the United States taking the lead in the 
matter. A furious debate ensued at Tokio between the 
imperialist and moderate parties, the hotter jingoes 
urging defiance of the United States even at the risk 
of war. Then, suddenly, came the news that Germany 
was cracking, and the moderates had their way. The 
Japanese armies in Siberia were reduced, albeit they 
still remained the most powerful military factor in the 

Germany’s sudden collapse and the rmexpectedly 
quick ending of the war. was a blow to Japanese hopes 


and plans in more ways than one. Despite official 
felicitations, the nation could hardly disguise its 
chagrin. For Japan the war had been an unmixed 
benefit. It had automatically made her mistress of 
the Far East and had amazingly enriched her eco- 
nomic life. Every succeeding month of hostilities had 
seen the white world grow weaker and had conversely 
increased Japanese power. Japan had counted on at 
least one more jgbx of war. Small wonder that the 
sudden passing of this halcyon time provoked disap- 
pointment and regret. 

The above outline of Japanese foreign policy re- 
veals beneath all its surface mutations a fimdamental 
continuity. \^niatevcr may be its ultimate goals, 
Japanese foreign policy has one minimum objective: 
Japan as hegemon of a Far East in which white influ- 
ence shall have been reduced to a vanishing quantity. 
That is the bald tmth of the matter— and no white 
man has any reason for getting indignant about it. 
Granted that Japanese aims endanger white vested 
interests in the Far East. Granted that this involves 
rivalry and perhaps war. That is no reason for strik- 
ing a moral attitude and inveighing against Japanese 
“wickedness,” as many people are to-day doing. These 
mighty racial tides flow from the most elemental of 
vital urges: self-expansion and self-preservation. Both 
outward thmst of expanding life and counter-thrust 
of threatened life are equally nomial phenomena. 
To condemn the former as “criminal” and the latter as 
“selfish” is either silly or hypocritical and tends to 


^venom with unnecessarj”^ rancor what objective fair- 
ness might keep a candid struggle, inevitable yet alle- 
viated by mutual comprehension and respect. This 
is no mere plea for “sportsmanship’*; it is a very prac- 
tical matter. There are critical times ahead; times 
in which intense race-pressures will engender high 
tensions and perhaps wars. If men will keep open 
minds and will eschew the temptation to regard those 
opposing their desires to defend or possess respectively 
as impious fiends, the struggles will lose half their 
bitterness, and the wars (if wars there must be) will 
be shorn of half their ferocity. 

The xmexpccted ending of the European War was, 
as we have seen, a blow to Japanese calculations. 
Nevertheless, the skill of her diplomats at the cnsmng 
Versailles Conference enabled Japan to harvest most 
of her war gains. Japan’s territorial acquisitions in 
China were definitely written mto the peace treaty, 
despite China’s sullen veto, and Japan’s preponderance 
in Chinese affairs was tacitly acknowledged. Japan 
also took advantage of the occasion to pose as the cham- 
pion of the colored races by urging the formal promulga- 
tion of “ racial equality ” as part of the peace settlement, 
especially as regards immigration. Of course the Jap- 
anese diplomats had no serious expectation of their 
demands being acceded to; in fact, they might have 
been rather embarrassed if they had succeeded, in 
view of Japan’s owm stringent laws against immigra- 
tion and alien landholding. Nevertheless, it was a 
politic move, useful for future propagandist purposes, 


and it advertised Japan broadcast as the standard- 
bearer of the colored cause. 

The notable progress that Japan has made toward 
the mastery of the Far East is written plainly upon the 
map, which strikingly portrays the broadening terri- 
torial base of Japanese power effected in the past 
twenty-five years. Japan now owns the whole island 
chain masking the eastern sea frontage of Asia, from 
the tip of Kamchatka to the Philippines, while her ac- 
quisition of Germany’s Oceanican islands north of the 
equator gives her important strategic outposts in mid- 
Pacific. Her bridge-heads on the Asiatic continent 
are also strong and well located. From the Korean 
peninsula (now an integral part of Japan) she firnily 
grasps the vast Chinese dependency of Manchuria, 
while just south of Manchuria across the narrow waters 
of the Pechili strait lies the rich Chinese province of 
Shantung, become a Japanese sphere of influence as 
a result of the late war. Thus Japan holds China’s 
capital, Peking, as in the jaws of a vice and can apply 
military pressure whenever she so desires. In southern 
China lies another Japanese sphere of influence, the 
province of Fukien opposite the Japanese island of 
Formosa. Lastly, all over China runs a veritable 
network of Japanese concessions like the recently ac- 
quired control of the great iron deposits near Hankow, 
far up the Yangtse River in the heart of China. 

I^fliether this Japanese imperium over China main- 
tains itself or not, one thing seems certain: future 
white expansion in the Far East has become impossi- 


ble. Any such attempt would instantly weld together 
Japanese imperialism and Chinese nationalism in a 
“sacred union” whose I'esult would probably be at 
the very least the prompt ej^ulsion of the white man 
from every foothold in eastern Asia. 

That is what will probably come anyway as soon as 
Japan and China, impelled by overcrowding and con> 
scious of their united potentialities, shall have arrived 
at a genuine understanding. Since population-pressure 
seems to be the basic factor in the future course of 
Far Eastern affairs, it would be well to survey possible 
outlets for surplus population within the Far East 
itself, in order to determine how much of this race- 
expansion can be satisfied at home, thereby diminish- 
ing, or at least postponing, acute pressure upon the 
poUtical and ethnic frontiers of the white world. 

To begin with, the population of Japan (approxi- 
mately 60,000,000) is increasiirg at the rate of about 
800,000 per year. China has no modem vital statistics, 
but the annual increase of her 400,000,000 population, 
at the Japanese rate, would be 6,000,000. Now the 
settled parts of both Japan and China may be con- 
sidered as fully populated so far as apiculture is con- 
cerned, further extensive increases of population being 
dependent upon the rise of machine industry. Both 
countries have, however, thinly settled areas within 
their present political frontiers. Japan’s northern 
island of Hokkaido (Yezo) has a great amount of good 
agricultural land as yet almost unoccupied, some of 



her other island possessions offer minor outlets, while 
Korea and Manchiuia afford extensive colonizing possi- 
bilities albeit Chinese and Korean competition pre- 
clude a Japanese colonization on the scale which the 
pize and natural wealth of these regions would at first 
sight seem to indicate. China has even more extensive 
colonizable areas. Both Mongolia and Chinese Turke- 
stan, though largely desert, contain within their vast 
areas enough fertile land to support many millions of 
Chinese peasants as soon as modem roads and rail- 
ways are built. The Chinese colonization of Man- 
chm-ia is also proceeding apace, and will continue 
despite anything Japan may do to keep it down. 
Lastly, the cold but enormous plateau of Tibet offers 
considerable possibilities. 

Allowing for all this, however, it cannot be said that 
either China or Japan possess within their present 
political frontiers territories likely to absorb those pro- 
digious accretions of population which seem destined 
to occur within the next couple of generations. From 
the resultant congestion two avenues of escape will 
naturally present themselves: settlement of other 
portions of the Far East to-day under white political 
control, but inhabited by colored populations; and pres- 
sure into accessible areas not merely under white politi- 
cal control, but also containing white populations. It 
is obvious that these are two radically distinct issues, 
for while a white nation might not unalterably oppose 
Mongolian immigration into its colored depaidenoies, 


it would almost certainly fight to the limit rather than 
witness the racial swamping of lands settled by its own 
flesh and blood. 

Considering the former issue, then, it would appear 
that virtually all the peninsulas and archipelagoes 
lying between China and Australia offer attractive 
fields for yellow, particularly Chinese, race-expansion. 
Ethnically they are all colored men’s lands; politically 
they are all, save Siam, under white control; Britain, 
France, Holland, and the United States being the titu- 
lar owners of these extensive territories. So far as 
the native races are concerned, none of them seem to 
possess the vitality and economic efficiency needed to 
maintain themselves against unrestricted Chinese im- 
migration. Whether in the British Straits Settlements 
and North Borneo, French Indo-China, the Dutch 
Indies, the American Philippines, or independent Siam, 
the Chinaman, so far as he has been allowed, has dis- 
played his practical superiority, and in places where, 
like the Straits Settlements, he has been allowed a 
free hand, he has virtually supplanted the native stock, 
reducing the latter to an impotent and vanishing mi- 
nority. The chief barrieis to Chinese race-expansion 
in these regions are legal hindrances or prohibitions of 
immigration, and of course such barriera are in their 
essence artificial and liable to removal under any shift 
of circumstances. Many observers predict that most 
of these lands will ultimately become Chinese. Says 
Alleyn D Ireland, a recognized authority on these re- 
gions ; “ There is every reason to suppose that, through- 


out the tropics, possibly excepting India, the China- 
man, even though he should continue to emigrate in no 
greater force than hitherto, will gradually supersede 
all the native races.” ^ Certainly, if this be true, China 
has here a vast outlet for her surplus population. It 
has been estimated that the undeveloped portions of 
the Dutch Indies alone are capable of supporting 100,- 
000,000 people living on the frugal Chinese plane. 
Their present population is 8,000,000 semi-savages. 

China’s possibilities of race-expansion in the colored 
regions of the Far East are thus excellent. The same 
cannot be said, however, for Japan. Tlie Japanese, 
bred in a distinctively temperate, island environment, 
have not the Chinese adaptability to climatic variation. 
Tlie Japanese, like the white man, does not thrive in 
tropic heat, nor does he possess the white man’s ability 
to resist sub-Arctic cold. Formosa is not in the real 
tropics, yet Japanese colonists have not done well 
there. On the other hand, even the far-from-Arctic 
winters of Hokkaido (part of the Japanese archipelago) 
seem too chilly for the Japanese taste. 

Japan thus does not have the same vital interest as 
China in the Asiatic tropics. Undoubtedly they would 
for Japan be valuable colonies of e.xploitation, just as 
they to-day are thus valuable for white nations. But 
they could never furnish outlets for Japan’s excess 
population, and even commercially Japan would be 
exposed to increasing Chinese competition, since the 

^AUeyne Ireland, “Commercial Aspects of the Yellow Peril,’* North 
American Review, Soptember, 1900. • 


Chinaman excels the Japanese in trade as well as in 
migrant colonization. Japanese lack of climatic adapta- 
bility is also the reason why Japan’s present military 
excursion in eastern Siberia, even if it should devdop 
into permanent occupation, would yield no adequate 
solution of Japan’s population problem. For the China- 
man, Siberia would do very well. He would breed 
amazingly there and would fill up the whole country 
in a remarkably short space of time. But the Japanese 
peasant, so averse to the winters of Hokkaido, would 
find the sub-Arctic rigors of Siberia intolerable. 

Thus, for Japanese migi-ation, neither the empty 
spaces of northern or southern Asia wiU do. The nat- 
ural outlets lie outside Asia in the United States, Aus- 
tralasia, and the temperate parts of Latin America. 
But all those outlets are rigorously baiTed by the white 
man, who has marked theni for his own race-heritage, 
and nothing but force will break those barriers down. 

There lies a danger, not merely to the peace of the 
Far East, but to the peace of the world. Fired by a 
fervent patriotism; resolved to make their country 
a leader among the nations; the Japanese writhe at 
the constriction of their present race-bounds. Placed 
on the flank of the Chinese giant whose portentous 
growth she can accurately forecast, Japan sees herself 
condemned to ultimate renunciation of her grandiose 
ambitions unless she can somehow broaden the racial 
as well as the political basis of her power. In short: 
Japan must find lands where Japanese can breed by 
the tens of millions if, she is not to be automatically 



omriuuiowed in course of time, even assuming that 
die does not suffocate or blow up from congestion before 
that time arrives. This is the secret of her aggressive 
foreign policy, her chronic imperialism, her extravar 
gant dreams of conquest and “world-dominion." 

The longing to hack a path to greatness by the 
samurai sword lurks ever in the back of Japanese 
minds. The library of Nippon’s chauvinist literature is 
large and increasing. A good example of the earlier pro- 
ductions is Satori Kato’s brochure entitled “ Mastery of 
the Padfie,” published in 1909. Herein the author an- 
nounces confidently : “ In the event of war Japan could, 
as if aided by a magician’s wand, overrun the Pacific 
with fleets manned by men who have made Nelson 
their model and transported to the armadas of the Far 
East the spirit that was victorious at Trafalgar. 
Whether Japan avows it or not, her persistent aim is 
to gain the masteiy of the Pacific. Although peace 
seems to prevail over the world at present, no one can 
tell how soon the nations may be engaged in war. It 
does not need the English alliance to secure success 
for Japan. That alliance may be dissolved at any 
moment, but Japan will suffer no defeat. Her victory 
will be won by her men, not by armor-plates — ^things 
weak by comparison." * 

The late war has of course greatly stimulated these 
bdlicose emotions. Viewing their own increased power 
and the debilitation of the white world, Japanese jin- 
goes |^inq)8e pro^iects of glorious fishing in troubled 

^ The Literary Diyest, November 13, 1909. 


waters. The “world-dominion” note is stressed more 
often than of yore. For instance, in the summer of 
1919 the Tokio Hochi, Count Okuma’s organ, proph- 
esied exultantly: “That age in which the Anglo- 
Japanese alliance was the pivot and Ameiican-Japa- 
nese co-operation an essential factor of Japanese di- 
plomacy is gone. In future we must not look eastward 
for friendship but westward. Let the Bolsheviki of 
Russia be put down and the more peaceful party 
established in power. In them Japan will find a strong 
aUy. By marching then westward to the Balkans, 
to Germany, to France, and Italy, the greater part of 
the world may be brought under our sway. The 
tyranny of the Anglo-Saxons at the Peace Conference 
is such that it has angered both gods and men. Some 
may abjectly follow them in consideration of their 
petty interests, but things will ultimately settle down 
as has just been indicated.” * 

Still more striking are the following citations from 
a Japanese imperialist pronouncement written in the 
autumn of 1916: 

“Fifty millions of oiu' race wherewith to conquer and 
possess the earth ! It is indeed a glorious problem ! . . . 
To begin with, we now have China; China is our steed ! 
Far shall we ride upon her ! Even as Rome rode La- 
tium to conquer Italy, and Italy to conquer the Medi- 
terranean; even as Napoleon rode Italy and the 
Rhenish States to conquer Germany, and Germany to 
conquer Ermope; even as England to-day rides her 
* Tim LUtrary July 5, 1919, 9. 31. 


. 51 

colonies and her so-called ‘allies’ to conquer her robust 
rival, Germany — even so shall we ride China. So 
becomes our 50,000,000 race 500,000,000 strong; so 
grow our paltry hundreds of millions of gold into 
billions I 

"How well have done our people ! How well have 
our statesmen led them ! No mistakes ! There must 
be none now. In 1895 we conquered China — Russia, 
Germany, and France stole from us the booty. How 
has our strength grown since then — and still it grows ! 
In ten years we punished and retook our own from 
Russia; in twenty years we squared and retook from 
Germany; with France there is no need for haste. 
She has already realized why we withheld the troops 
which alone might have driven the invader from her 
soil! Her fingers are clutching more tightly around 
her Oriental booty; yet she knows it is ours for the 
taking. But there is no need of haste: the world 
condemns the paltiy thief; only the glorious conqueror 
wins the plaudits and approval of mankind. 

"We are now well astride of our steed, China; but 
the steed has long roamed wild and is i-un down: it 
needs grooming, more grain, more training. Further, 
our saddle and bridle are as yet mere makeshifts: 
would steed and trappings stand the strain of war? 
And what woidd that strain be? 

"As for America — ^that fatuous booby with much 
money and much sentiment, but no cohesion, no brains 
of government; stood she alone we should not need our 
China steed. Well did my firiend speak the other day 


when he called her people a race of thieves with the 
hearts of rabbits. America, to any warrior race, is 
not as a foe, but as an immense melon, ripe for the 
cutting. But there are other warrior races — ^England, 
Germany — would they look on and let us slice and eat 
omr fill? Would they? 

"But, using China as our steed, should our first 
goal be the land? India? Or the Pacific, the sea 
that must be our very own, even as the Atlantic is now 
England’s ? The land is tempting and easy, but withal 
dangerous. Did we begin there, the coarse white 
races woxold too soon awaken, and combine, and for- 
ever immure us within our long since grown intolerable 
bounds. It must, therefore, be the sea; but the sea 
means the Western Americas and all the islands be- 
tween; and with those must soon come Australia, 
India. And then the battling for the balance of world- 
power, for the rest of North America. Once that is 
ours, we own and control the whole — a dominion worthy 
of our race ! 

"North America alone will support a billion people; 
that billion shall be Japanese with their slaves. Not 
arid Asia, nor worn-out Eiu-ope (which, with its 
peculiar and quaint relics and customs should in the 
interests of history and culture, be in any case pre- 
served), nor yet tropical Africa, is fit for our people. 
But North America, that continent so succulently 
green, fresh, and unsullied — except for the few chatter- 
ing, mongrel Yankees — should have be«i ours by right 


of discovery: it shall be ours by the higher, nobler 
right of conquest.” * 

This apostle of Japanese world-dominion then goes 
on to discuss in detail how his programme can best be 
attained. It should be remembered that at the time 
he wrote America was still an unarmed nation, ap- 
parently ridden by pacifism. Such imperialist ex- 
travagances as the above do not represent the whole 
of Japan. But they do represent a powerful element 
in Japan, against which the white world should be 

> Tht Military Historian and Economist, January, 1917, pp. 43-46. 


Brown Man’s Land is the Near and Middle East. 
The brown world stretches in an immense belt clear 
across southern Asia and northern Africa, from the 
Pacific to the Atlantic Oceans. The numbers of 
brown and yellow men are not markedly unequal 
(450,000,000 browns as against 600,000,000 yellows), 
but in most other respects the two worlds are sharply 
contrasted. In the first place, while the ydlow world 
is a fairly compact geographical block, the brown 
world sprawls half-way round the globe, and is not 
only much greater in size, but also infinitely more 
varied in natural features. 

Tliis geograpliical diversity is reflected both in its 
history and in the chaiacter of its inhabitants. Unlike 
the secluded yellow world, the brown world is nearly 
everywhere exposed to foreign influences and has under- 
gone an infinite series of evolutionary modifications. 
Racially it has been a vast melting-pot, or series of 
melting-pots, wherein conquest and migration have 
continuall}'' poured new heterogeneous elements, p^o^ 
ducing the most diverse racial amalgamations. In fact, 
there is to-day no generalized brown type-norm as there 
are generalized yellow or white type-norms, but rather 
a series of types clearly distinguished from one another, 
Some of these types, like the Persians and Ottoman 




Turks, are largely white; others, like the southern In- 
dians and Yemenite Arabs, are largely black; while 
still others, like the Himalayan and Central Asian peo- 
ples, have much yellow blood. Again, there is no 
generalized brown culture like those possessed by yel- 
lows and whites. The great spiritual bond is Islam, 
yet in India, the chief seat of brown population, Islam 
is professed by only one-fifth of the inhabitants. 

Nevertheless, there is a fimdamental comity be- 
tween the brown peoples. This comity is subtle and 
intangible in character, yet it exists, and under cer- 
tain circumstances it is capable of momentous mani- 
festations. Its salient feature is the instinctive recogni- 
tion by all Near and Middle Eastern peoples that they 
are fellow Asiatics, however bitter may bo their inter- 
necine feuds. This instinctive Asiatic feeling has been 
noted by historians for more than two thousand years, 
and it is just as true to-day as in the past. Of course 
it comes out most strongly in face of the non-Asiatic — 
which in practice has always meant the white man. 
The action and reaction of the brown and white worlds 
has, indeed, been a constant historic factor, the rbles 
of hammer and anvil being continually reversed through 
the ages. For the last four centuries the white world 
has, in the main, been the dynamic factor. Certainly, 
during the last hundred years the white world has dis- 
played an unprecedentedly aggressive vigor, the brown 
world playing an almost passive r61e. 

Here again is seen a difference between browns and 
yellows. The yellow world did not feel the full tide of 


white aggression till the middle of the last century, 
while even then it never really lost its political inde- 
pendence and soon reacted so powerfully that its polit- 
ical freedom has to-day been substantially regained. 
The brown world, on the other hand, felt the impact of 
the white tide much earlier and was politically over- 
whelmed. The so-called “independence” of brown 
states has long been due more to white rivalries than 
to their own inherent strength. One by one they have 
been swallowed up by the white Powers. In 1914 only 
three (Turkey, Persia, and Afghanistan) survived, and 
the late war has sent them the way of the rest. 
key and Persia have lost their independence, however 
they may still be painted on the map, while Afghan- 
istan has been compelled to recognize white supremacy 
as never before. Thus the cycle is fulfilled, and white 
political mastery over the brown world is complete. 

Political triumphs, however, of themselves guarantee 
nothing, and the permanence of the present order of 
things in the brown world appears more than doubt- 
ful when we glance beyond the map. The brown world, 
like the yellow world, is to-day in acute reaction against 
white supremacy. In fact, the brown reaction began 
a full century ago, and has been gathering headway 
ever since, moved thereto both by its own inherent 
vitality and by the external stimulus of white aggres- 
sion. The great dynamic of this brown reaction is the 
Mohammedan Revival. But before analyzing that 
movement it would be well to glance at the human 
elements involved. 


Four salieut groupings stand out among the brown 
peoples: India, Ii4n, “Arabistdn,” and “Turkestan.” 
The last two words are used in a special sense to denote 
ethnic and cultural a^regations for which no precise 
terms have hitherto been coined. India is the popula- 
tion-centre of the brown world. More than 300,000,- 
000 souls live within its borders — ^two-thirds of all the 
brown men on earth. India has not, however, been 
the brown world’s ^iritual or cultural dynamic, those 
forces coming chiefly from the brown lands to the 
westward. Irdn (the Persian plateau) is comparatively 
small in area and has less than 15,000,000 inhabitants, 
but its influence upon the brown world has been out 
of all proportion to its size and population. “Arabis- 
tdn” denotes the group of peoples, Arab in blood or 
Arabized in language and cxilture, who inhabit the 
Arabian peninsula and its adjacent annexes, S 3 Tia and 
Mesopotamia, together with the vast band of North 
Africa lying between the Mediterranean and the 
Sahara Desert. The total number of these Arabic 
peoples is 40,000,000, three-fourths of thran living in 
North Africa. The term “Turkestan” covers the 
group of kindred peoples, often called “Turanians,” 
who stretch from Constantinople to Central Asia, 
mduding the Ottoman Turks of Asia Minor, the Tar- 
tars of South Russia and Transcaucasia, and the 
Central Asian Turkomans. They number in all 
about 26,000,000. Such are the four outstanding 
race-factors in the brown world. Let us now examine 
that (^iritual factor, Idam, from which the broAim 


renaissance originally proceeded, and on which most 
of its present manifestations are based. 

Islam’s warlike vigor has impressed men’s minds 
ever since the far-off days when its pristine fervor bore 
the Fiery Crescent from France to China. But with 
the passing cycles this fervor waned, and a century 
ago Islam seemed plunged in the stupor of senile decay. 
The life appeared to have gone out of it, leaving naught 
but the dry husks of empty formalism and soulless ritual. 
Yet at this darkest hour a voice came crying from out 
the vast Arabian desert, the cradle of Islam, calling 
the Faithful to better things. This puritan reformer 
was the famous Abd-cl-Wahab, and his followers, 
known as Wahabces, soon spread over the length and 
breadth of the Mohammedan world, purging Islam 
of its sloth and rekindling the fervor of olden days. 
Thus began the great Mohammedan Revival. 

That revival, like all tiul}'' regenerative movements, 
had its political as well as its spiritual side. One of the 
first things which struck the reformers was the political 
weakness of the Moslem world and its increasing sub- 
jection to the Christian West. It was during the early 
decades of the nineteenth century that the revival 
spread through Islam. But this was the very time 
when Emope, recovering from the losses of the Na- 
poleonic Wars, began its unparalleled aggressions upon 
the Moslem East. The result in Islam was a fusing of 
religion and patriotism into a “sacred union” for the 
combined spiritual regeneration and political emanci- 
pation of the Moslem world. 


Of course Europe’s material and military superiority 
were then so great that ^eedy success was recognized 
to be a vain hope. Nevertheless, with true Oriental 
patience, the reformers were content to work for dis- 
tant goals, and the results of their labors, though 
hidden from most Emopeans, was soon discernible to 
a few keen-sighted white observers. Half a century 
ago the learned Orientalist Palgrave wrote these pro- 
phetic lines; “Islam is even now an enormous power, 
full of self-sustaining vitality, with a surplus for ag- 
gression; and a struggle with its combined energies 
would be deadly indeed. . . . The Mohammedan 
peoples of the East have awakened to the manifold 
strength and skill of their Western Christian rivals; 
and this awakening, at first productive of respect and 
fear, not unmixed with admiration, now weam the 
type of antagonistic dislike, and even of intelligent 
hate. No more zealous Moslems are to be found in 
all the ranks of Islam than they who have sojourned 
longest in Europe and acquired the most intimate 
knowledge of its sciences and ways. . . . Moham- 
medans are keenly alive to the ever-shifting uncer- 
tainties and divisions that distract the Christianity 
of to-day, and to the woful instability of modem 
European institutions. Fi’om their own point of view, 
Moslems are as men standing on a secure rock, and they 
contrast the quiet fixity of their own position with the 
unsettled and insecure restlessness of all else.” * 

‘W. G. Fttlgrave, “E&sayi on Eastern Questions,” pp. 127-131 
London. 1872). 


This stability to which Palgrave alludes must not 
be confused with dead rigidity. Too many of us still 
think of the Moslem East as hopelessly petrified. But 
those Westerners best acquainted with the Islamic 
world assert that nothing could be farther from the 
truth; emphasizing, on the contrary, Islam’s present 
plasticity and rapid assimilation of Western ideas and 
methods. “The alleged rigidity of Islam is a Euro- 
pean myth,”* says Theodore Morison, late principal of 
the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh, 
India; and another Orientalist, Marmaduke Kckthall, 
writes: “There is nothing in Islam, any more than in 
Christianity, which should halt progress. The fact 
is that Christianity foimd, some time ago, a modus »i- 
vendi with modem life, while Islam has not yet arrived 
thither. But this process is even now being worked 

The way in which the Mohammedan world has 
availed itself of white institutions such as the news- 
paper in forging its new solidarity is well portrayed by 
Bernard Temple. “It all comes to this, then,” he 
writes. “World-politics, as viewed by Mohammedan- 
ism’s political leaders, resolve themselves into a strug- 
gle— -not necessarily a bloody stru^le, but still an in- 
tense and vital struggle — ^for place and power between 
the three great divisions of mankind. The Moslem 
mind is deeply stirred by the prospect. Every Mos- 

1 Theodore Morison, “Can Islam Be Reformed?'^ NineteerUh Cen^ 
tury, October, 1908. 

2 Marmaduke Pickthall, “L’Angleterre et h Turquie,’' Rwue PM* 
Hgue IrUern(UiondU, January, 1914. 


lem country is in communication with every other Mos- 
lem coimtiy: directly, by means of special emissaries, 
pilgrims, travellers, traders, and postal exchanges; 
indirectly, by means of Mohammedan newspapers, 
books, pamphlets, leaflets, and periodicals. I have 
met with Cairo newspapers in Bagdad, Teheran, and 
Peshawar; Constantinople newspapers in Basra and 
Bombay; Calcutta newspapers in Mohammerah, Ker- 
bela, and Port Said.”^ 

These European judgments are confirmed by what 
Asiatics say themselves. For example, a Sjrrian Chris- 
tian, Ameen Rihani, thus characterizes the present 
strength and vitality of the Moslem world: “A nation 
of 250,000,000 souls, more than one-half under Chris- 
tian rule, struggling to shake off its fetters; to consoli- 
date its opposing forces; replenishing itself in the 
south and in the east from the inexhaustible sources 
of the life primitive; assimilating in the north, but not 
without discrimination, the civilization of Emope; a 
nation with a glorious past, a living faith and language, 
an inspired Book, an imdying hope, might be divided 
against itself by European diplomacy but can never be 
subjugated by European arms. . . . What Islam is los- 
ing on the borders of Europe it is gaining in Africa and 
Central Asia through its modem propaganda, which is 
conducted according to Christian methods. And this 
is one of the grand results of ‘civilization by benevolent 
assimilation.' Europe drills the Moslem to be a sol- 

^Bernard Temple, “The Place of Persia in World-Politics/* Pro- 
ceedings of the CerUral Asian Society, May, 1910. 


dier who will ultimately turn his weapons against her; 
and she sends her missionaries to awaken in the ulema 
the proselytizing evil.”* 

Typical of Mohammedan literature on this subject 
are the following excerpts from a book published at 
Cairo in 1907 by an Egyptian, Yahya Siddyk, signif- 
icantly entitled "The Awakening of the Islamic Peo- 
ples in the Fourteenth Century of the Hegira.”* The 
book is doubly interesting because the author has a 
thorough Western education, holding a law degree 
from the French univereity of Toulouse, and is a judge 
on the Egj'ptian bench. Although writing as far back 
as 1907, Yahya Siddyk clearly foresaw the imminence 
of the European War. “Behold,” he writes, “these 
Great Powers ruining themselves in terrifying arma- 
ments; measuring each other’s strength with defiant 
glances; menacing each other; contracting alliances 
which continually break and which presage those ter- 
rible shocks which overturn the world and cover it 
with ruins, fire, and blood ! The future is God’s, and 
nothing is lasting save His Will !” 

He considera the white world degenerate. “Does 
this mean,” he asks, “that Europe, our ‘enlightened 
guide,’ has already reached the summit of its evolu- 
tion ? Has it already exhausted its vital force by two 
or three centuries of hyper-exertion? In other words: 
is it already stricken with senility, and will it see 
itself soon obliged to yield its civilizing r61e to other 

^ Ameen Rihani, *'The Crisis of Islam/’ Forum, May, 1912. 

•/.«., the twentieth century of the Christian era. 



peoples less degenerate, less neurasthenic; that is to 
gay, younger, more robust, more healthy, than itself? 
In my opinion, the present marks Europe’s apogee, and 
its immoderate colonial expansion means, not strength, 
but weakness. Despite the aureole of so much gran- 
deur, power, and gloiy, Europe is to-day more divided 
and more fragile than ever, and ill conceals its malaise, 
its sufferings, and its anguish. Its destiny is inexorably 
working out ! . . . 

“The contact of Europe on the East has caused 
us both much good and much evil: good, in the 
material and intellectual sense; evil, from the moral 
and political point of view. Exhausted by long strug- 
gles, enervated by a brilliant civilization, the Moslem 
peoples inevitably fell into a malaise, but they are not 
stricken, they are not dead ! These peoples, conquered 
by the force of cannon, have not in the least lost their 
unity, even under the oppressive regimes to which the 
Europeans have long subjected them. ... I have said 
that the Emopean contact has been salutary to us 
from both the material and the intellectual point of 
view. What reforming Moslem Princes wished to 
impose by force on their Moslem subjects is to-day real- 
ized a hundredfold. So great has been our progress 
in the last twenty-five years in science, letters, and art 
that we may well hope to be in all these things the 
equals of Europeans in less than half a century. . . . 

“A new era opens for us with the fourteenth century 
of the Hegira, and this happy century will mark our 
renaissance and our great futuip ! A new breath ani- 


mates the Mohammedan peoples of all races; all 
Moslems are penetrated with the necessity of work 
and instruction ! We all wish to travel, do business, 
tempt fortime, brave dangers. There is in the East, 
among the Mohammedans, a surprising activity, an 
animation, imknown twenty-five years ago. . . . There 
is to-day a real public opinion throughout the East.” 

The author concludes: “Let us hold firm, each for all, 
and let us hope, hope, hope ! We are fairly launched 
on the path of progress: let us profit by it! It is 
Europe’s very tyramiy which has wrought our trans- 
formation ! It is our continued contact with Emope 
which favors our evolution and inevitably hastens our 
revival! It is simply History repeating itself; the 
Will of God fulfilling itself despite all opposition and 
all resistance. . . . Europe’s tutelage over Asiatics is 
becoming more and more nominal — ^the gates of Asia 
are closing against the European ! Surely we glimpse 
before us a revolution without parallel in the world’s 
annals. A new age is at hand !”^ 

If this be indeed the present spirit of Islam it is a 
portentous fact, for its numerical strength is very great. 
The total number of Mohammedans is estimated at 
from 200,000,000 to 250,000,000, and they not only 
predominate throughout the brown world with the 
exception of India, but they also count 10,000,000 ad- 
herents in China and are gaming prodigiously among 
the blacks of Africa. 

> YaJbya Siddyk, “Le R^veil dea Peuples lalamiquea au QaatanUm* 
8i6de de I’H^gire'’ (Cairo, 1987). 


The proselyting power of Islam is extraordinary, 
and its hold upon its votaries is even more remarkable. 
Throughout history there has been no single instance 
where a people, once become Moslem, has ever aban- 
doned the faith. Extirpated they may have been, like 
the Moors of Spain, but extirpation is not aposta^. 
This extreme tenacity of Islam, this ability to keep its 
hold, once it has got a footing, under all circumstances 
short of downright extirpation, must be borne in mind 
when considering the future of regions where Islam is 
to-day advancing. 

And, save in eastern Europe, it is to-day advancing 
along all its far-flimg frontiers. Its most signal vic- 
tories are being won among the negro races of central 
Africa, and this phase will be discussed in the next 
chapter, but elsewhere the same conditions, in lesser 
degree, prevail. Every Moslem is a born missionary 
and instinctively propagates his faith among his non- 
Moslem neighbors. The quality of this missionary 
temper has been well analyzed by Meredith Townsend. 
“All the emotions which impel a Christian to prosely- 
tize,” he writes, “are in a Mussulman strengthened 
by all the motives which impel a political leader and 
all the motives which sway a recruiting sergeant, until 
proselytism has become a passion, which, whenever 
success seems practicable, and especially success on a 
large scale, develops in the quietest Mussulman a fury 
of ardor which induces him to break down every 
obstacle, his own strongest prejudices included, rather 
than stand for an instant in tl\,e neophyte’s way. He 


welcomes him as a son, and whatever his own lineage, 
and whether the convert be negro, or Chinaman, or 
Indian, or even European, he will without hesitation 
or scruple give him his own child in marriage, and 
admit him fully, frankly, and finally into the most 
exclusive circle in the world.”* 

Such is the vast and growing body of Islam, to-day 
seeking to weld its forces into a higher miity for the 
combined objectives of spiritual revival and political 
emancipation. This unitary movement is known as 
“Pan-Islamism.” Most Western observers seem to 
think that Pan-Islamism centres in the “Caliphate,” 
and European writers to-day hopefully discuss whether 
the Caliphate’s retention by the discredited Turkish 
Sultans, its transferrence to the rulers of the new 
Arab Hedjaz Ivhigdom, or its total suppression, will 
best clip Islam’s wings. 

This, however, is a very shoi't-sighled and partial 
view. The Khalifa or “Caliph” (to use the European- 
ized form), the Prophet’s representative on earth, has 
played an important Iristoric r 61 c, and the institution 
is still venerated in Islam. But the Pan-Islamic 
leader’s have long been working on a much broader 
basis. Pan-Islamism’s real driving power lies, not in 
the Caliphate, but in institutions like the “Hajj” or 
pilgrimage to Mecca, the propaganda of the “Habl- 
ul-Matin” or “Tie of True Believers,” and the great 
religious fraternities. Tire Meccan Hajj, whei’e tens 
of thousands of picked zealots gather every year 

* Meredith Townseudf “Asia and Europe,” pp. 46-47. 



from every quarter of the Moslem world, is really an 
annual Pan-Islamic congress, where all the interests 
of the faith are discussed at length, and where plans 
are elaborated for its defense and propagation. Sim- 
ilarly ubiquitous is the Pan-Islamic propaganda of 
the Habl-ul-Matin, which works tirelessly to compose 
sectarian differences and traditional feuds. Lastly, 
the religious brotherhoods cover the Islamic world 
with a network of far-flung associations, quickening the 
zeal of their myriad members and co-ordinating their 
energies for potential action. 

The greatest of these brotherhoods (though there 
are others of importance) is the famous Senussiyah, 
and its history well illustrates Islam’s evolution during 
the past hxmdred years. Its foimder, Seyyid Mahom- 
med ben Scnussi, was bom in Algeria about the be- 
ginning of the nineteenth century. He was of high 
Arab lineage, tracing his descent from Fatima, the 
daughter of the Prcphet. In caily youth he went to 
Arabia and there came under the influence of the Waha- 
bee movement. In middle life he returned to Africa, 
settling in the Sahara Desert, and there built up the 
fraternity which bears his name. Before his death the 
order had spread to all parts of the Mohammedan 
world, but it is in northern Africa that it has attained 
its pecuHar pre-eminence. The Senussi Order is divided 
into local “Zawias” or lodges, all absolutely dependent 
upon the Grand Ixjdge, headed by The Master, El 
Senussi. The Grand Mastership still remains in the 
family, a grandson of the founder being the order’s 


present head. The Senussi stronghold is an oasis in 
the very heart of the Sahara. Only one European eye 
has ever seen this mysterious spot. Surrounded by 
absolute desert, with wells many leagues apart and the 
routes of approach known only to experienced Senussi 
guides, every one of whom would suffer a thousand 
deaths rather thaii betray him, El Senussi, The Mas- 
ter, sits serenely apart, sending his orders throu^out 
North Africa. 

The Sahara itself is absolutely under Senussi control, 
while “Zawias” aboimd in distant regions like Morocco, 
Lake Chad, and Somaliland. These local Zawias are 
more than mere “lodges.” Their spiritual and secular 
heads, the “Mokaddem” or priest and t^ie “Jji^ekil” 
or civil governor, have discretionary authority not 
merely over the Zawia members, but also over the com- 
munity at large — at least, so great is the awe inspired 
by the Senussi throughout North Africa that a word 
from Wekil or Mokaddem is always listened to and 
obeyed. Thus, beside the various European authori- 
ties, British, French, or Italian as the case may be, 
there exists an occult government with which the colo- 
nial authorities are careful not to come into conflict. 

On their part, the Senussi are equally careful to 
avoid a downright breach with the European Powers. 
Their long-headed, cautious policy is truly astonish- 
ing. For more than half a century the order has been 
a great force, yet it has never risked the supreme ad- 
venture. In all the numerous fanatic risings against 
Europeans which havq occurred in various parts of 


Africa, local Senussi have undoubtedly taJcen part, 
but the order has never officially entered the lists. 

These Fabian tactics as regards open warfare do not 
mean that the Senussi are idle. Far from it. On the 
contrary, they are ceaselessly at work with the spiritual 
arms of teaching, discipline, and conversion. The 
Senussi programme is the welding, first of Moslem 
Africa, and later of the whole Moslem world, into the 
revived “Imamat” of Islam’s early days; into a great 
theocracy, embracing all true believers — ^ia other 
words, Pan-Islamism. But they believe that the po- 
litical liberation of Islam from Christian domination 
must be preceded by a profound spiritual regenera- 
tion,*^j||(!ll5j**t)fl|endering the moral forces necessary 
both for the war of liberation and for the fmitful re- 
construction which should follow thereafter. This is 
the secret of order’s extraordinary self-restraint. 
This is the reason why, year after year, and decade 
after decade, the Senussi advance slowly, calmly, coldly, 
gathering great latent power but avoiding the tempta- 
tion to expend it one instant before the proper tune. 
Meanwhile they are covering Africa with their lodges 
and schools, disciplining the people to the voice of their 
Mokaddems and Wekils — ^and converting millions of 
pagan negroes to the faith of Islam. 

And what is true of the Senussi holds equally for 
the other wise leaders who guide the Pan-Islamic 
movement. They know both Europe’s strength and 
their own weakness. They know the peril of premature 
action.^ Feeling that time is on their side, they are 


content to await tlie hour when internal regeneration 
and extenial pressure shall have filled to overflowing 
the cup of wrath. Tliis is why Ishmi has offered only 
local resistance to the unparalleled white aggressions of 
the last twenty years. This is the main reason why 
there was no real “Holy War” in 1914. But the ma- 
terials for a Hoi}'’ War have long been piling high, as a 
retrospective glance will show. 

Europe’s conquests of Africa and Central Asia toward 
the close of the List century, and the subsequent An- 
glo-Fi'ench agreement mutually appropriating Egypt 
and Morocco, evoked murmurs of impotent fury from 
the Moslem world. Under such circinnstances the 
Russo-Japanese War of 1904 sent 4lMll|M||B||^^ 
throughout Islam. Tin; Japanese i^i^rt 
but the traditional Moslem loathii^.’of idolat$jM|| 
beings much lower than Christians HjjdtTjiew# ^ecd|^ 
nized by Mohan uncil as “Peoples of The Book”) was 
quite effaced by the buniing sense of subjugation to the 
Christian yoke. Accordingly, the Jajianese were hailed 
as heroes throughout Islam. Here we see again tliat 
tendency toward an undeistanding between Asiatic 
and African races and creeds (in other words, a “Pan- 
Colored” alliance against white domination) which has 
been so patent in recent yeais. The way in which 
Islamic peoples began looking to Japan is revealed by 
this editorial in a Pereian newspaper, written in the 
year 1906: “Desirous of becoming as powerful as 
Japan and of safeguarding its national independence, 
Persia should make common cause with it. An alii- 



ance becomes necessary. Thei'e should be a Japanese 
ambassador at Teheran. Japanese instructors should 
be chosen to reorganize the army. Commercial rela- 
tions should also be developed.”^ Indeed, some pious 
Moslems hoped to bring this heroic people within the 
Islamic fold. Shortly after the Russo-Japanese War 
a Chinese Mohammedan sheikh wrote: “If Japan 
thinks of becoming some day a very great power and 
making Asia the domiirator of the other continents, it 
will be only by adopting the blessed religion of Islam.”® 
And Al Momvayad, an Egyptian Nationalist jour- 
nal, remarked; “England, with her 60,000,000 Indian 
Mosley, dreads this conversion. With a Mohamme- 
lan policy would change entirely.”* 
it, Moharnnredan missionaries actu- 
, where they were smilingly received, 
janese had not the faintest intention 
of turning Moslems, but these spontaneous approaches 
from the brown world were quite hr line with their am- 
bitious plans, which, as the reader will remember, were 
just then taking concrete shape. 

However, it soon became plain that Japan had no 
present intention of going so far afield as Western Asia, 
and Islam presently had to momai fresh losses at Chris- 
tian hands. In 1911 came Italy’s barefaced raid on 
Turkey’s African dependency of Tripoli. So bitter 
was the anger in all Mohammedan lands at this un- 

* F. Farjanel, “Le Japon et I’lslam,” Bemte du Monde Mwutman, 
November, 1906. 

* Farjanel, supra. • • Ihid. 


provoked aggression that many European observers 
became seriously alarmed. “Why has Italy found 
‘defenseless’ Tripoli such a hornet’s nest?” queried 
Gabriel Hanotaux, a former French minister of for- 
eign affairs. “It is because she has to do, not merely 
with Turkey, but with Islam as well. Italy has set 
the ball rolling — so much the worse for her — ^and for 
us all.”* But the Tripoli expedition was only the be- 
ginning of the Christian assault, for next year came the 
Balkan War, which sheared away Turkey’s European 
holdings to the walls of Constantinople and left her 
crippled and discredited. At these disasters a ciy of 
wrathful anguish swept the world of Islam from end 
to end. Here is how a leading Indian Moslem inter- 
preted the Balkan conflict: 

“The King of Greece orders a new -rusade. Fi^bd^ 
the London Chancelleries rise calls to, Christian fanat- 
icism, and Saint Petersburg already speaks of the 
planting of the cross on the dome of Sant’ Sophia. 
To-day they speak thus; to-morrow they will thus 
speak of Jerusalem and the Mosque of Omar. Broth- 
ers! Be ye of one mind, that it is the duty of every 
true believer to hasten beneath the Khalifa’s banner 
and to sacrifice his life for the safety of the faith.”® 
And another Indian Moslem leader thus adjmed the 
British authorities; “I appeal to the present govern- 
ment to change its anti-Turkish attitude before the 

^Gabriel Hanotaux, “La Crise m6diterran6enne et Plslam,” Revw 
HAdomadairej April 13, 1912. 

•Anninius Vamb^ry, “Die tiirkische Katastrophe und die Islam- 
welt,” Deuische Reviie, July, 19f3, 


fiiiy of millions of Moslem fellow subjects is kindled 
to a blaze and brings disaster.”^ 

Still more significant were the appeals made by the 
Indian Moslems to their Brahman fellow cormtrymen, 
the traditionally despised “Idolaters.” These appeals 
' betokened a veritable revolution in outlook, as can 
be gauged from the text of one of them, significantly 
entitled “The Message of the East.” “Spirit of the 
East,” reads this noteworthy document, “arise and 
repel the swelling flood of Western aggression ! Chil- 
dren of Hindustan, aid us with your wisdom, culture, 
and wealth; lend us your power, the birthright and 
heritage of the Hindu ! Let the Spirit Powers hidden 
in the Himalayan mountain-peaks arise. Let prayers 
to the god of battles float upward; prayers that right 
may triumph over might; and call to your myriad 
gods to annihilate the armies of the foe !”^ In China 
also the same fraternizing spirit was visible. During 
the Republican Revolution the Chinese Mohammedans, 
instead of holding jealously aloof, co-operated whole- 
heartedly with their Buddhist and Confucian fellow 
citizens, and Doctor Sun-Yat-Sen, the Republican 
leader, announced gratefully: “The Chinese will never 
forget the assistance which their Moslem compatriots 
have rendered in the interest of order and liberty.”* 
The Great War thus found Islam deeply stirred against 

‘ Shah Mohammed Naimatullah, '‘Recent Turkish Events and Mos- 
lem India,” Asiatic Review^ October, 1913. 

* Vamb^ry, supra. 

’Arminius Vamb^, "An Approach Between Moslems and Bud- 
dhists,” Nin^eenth Century^ April, 1912? 


Euiopeau aggression, keenly conscious of its own 
solidarity, and frankly reaching out for colored allies 
in the projected struggle against white domination. 

Under these circumstances it may at first sight ap- 
pear strange that no general Islamic explosion occurred 
when Turkey entered the lists at the close of 1914 and 
the Sultan-Khalifa issued a formal summons to the 
Holy War. Of coui-se this summons was not the flat 
failure wliich AUicd reports led the West to believe 
at the time. As a matter of fact there was trouble 
in practically every Mohammedan land under Allied 
control. To name only a few of many instances: 
Eg 3 qit broke into a tumult smothered only by over- 
whelming British reinforcements, Tripoli bmst into 
a flame of insurrection that drove the Italians headlong 
to the coast, Persia was prevented from joining Tur- 
key only by prompt Russian intervention, and the 
Indian Northwest Frontier w'as the scene of fighting 
that required the presence of a quarter of a million 
Anglo-Indian troops. The British Government has 
officially admitted that during 1915 the Allies’ Asiatic 
and African possessions stood within a hand’s breadth 
of a cataclysmic insurrection. 

That insurrection would certainly have taken place 
if Islam’s leaders had everywhere spoken the fateful 
word. But the word was not spoken. Instead, in- 
fluential Moslems outside of Turkey generally con- 
demned the latter’s action and did all in their power 
to calm the passions of the fanatic multitude. The 
attitude of these leaders does credit to their discern- 


ment. They recognized that this was neither the 
time nor the occasion for a decisive struggle with the 
West. They were not yet materially prepared, and 
they had not perfected their undcretandings either 
among themselves or with their prospective non- 
Moslem allies. Above all, the moral urge was lack- 
ing. They knew that athwart the Khalifa’s writ 
was stencilled "Made in Germany.” They knew 
that the “Young Turk” clique which had engineered 
the coup was made up of Europeanized renegades, 
many of them not even nominal Moslems, but atheistic 
Jews. Far-sighted Moslems had no intention of pull- 
ing Germany’s chestnuts out of the fire, nor did they 
wish to further Prussian schemes of world-dominion 
which for themselves would have meant a mere change 
of masters. Far better to let the white world fight 
out its desperate feud, weaken itself, and reveal fully 
its future intentions. Meanwhile Islam could bide its 
time, grow in strength, and await the morrow. 

The Versailles Peace Conference was just such a 
revelation of European intentions as the Pan-Islamic 
leaders had been awaiting in order to perfect their 
programmes and enlist the moral solidarity of their 
peoples. At Versailles the European Powera showed 
unequivocally that they had no intention of relaxing 
their hold upon the Near and Middle East. By a 
number of secret treaties negotiated during the war 
the Ottoman Ernpii-e had been virtually partitioned 
between the victorious Allies, and these secret treaties 
formed the basis of the Versailles settlement. Furthei-- 


more, Egypt had been declared a British protectorate 
at the very beginning of the European struggle, while 
the Versailles Conference had scarcely adjourned before 
England announced an “agreement” with Persia which 
made that country another British protectorate, in 
fact, if not in name. The upshot was, as already stated, 
that the Near and Middle East were subjected to 
European political domination as never before. 

But there was another side to the shield. During the 
war years the Allied statesmen had officially proclaimed 
times without number that the war was being fought 
to establish a new world-order based on such princi- 
ples as the rights of small nations and the liberty of all 
peoples. These pronoimcements had been treasured 
and memorized throughout the East. When, there- 
fore, the East saw a peace settlement based, not upon 
these high professions, but upon the imperialistic 
secret treaties, it was fired with a moral indignation 
and sense of outraged justice never known before. A 
tide of impassioned determination began rising which 
has already set the entire East in tumultuous ferment, 
and which seems merely the premonitoiy ground-swell 
of a greater storm. Many European students of 
Eastern affairs are gravely alarmed at the prospect. 
Here, for example, is the judgment of Leone Caetani, 
Duke of Sermoncta, an Italian authority on Oriental 
and Mohammedan questions. Speaking in the spring 
of 1919 on the war’s effect on the East, he said: “The 
convulsion has shaken Islamitic and Oriental civiliza- 
tion to its foundations The entire Oriental world, 


from China to the Mediterranean, is in ferment. 
Everywhere the hidden fire of anti-European hatred 
is burning. Riots in Morocco, risings in Algiers, dis- 
content in Tripoli, so-called Nationalist attempts in 
Eg 3 T)t, Arabia, and Lybia, are all different manifesta- 
tions of the same deep sentiment, and have as their 
object the rebellion of the Oriental world against Euro- 
pean civilization.”^ 

The state of affairs in Egypt is a typical illustration 
of what has been going on in the East ever since the 
close of the late war. Egs^jt was occupied by England 
in 1882, and British rule has conferred immense 
material benefits, raising the country from anarchic 
bankruptcy to ordered prosperity. Yet British rule 
was never really popular, and as the years passed a 
“Nationalist” movement steadily grew in strength, 
having for its slogan the phrase “Egypt for the Egyp- 
tians,” and demanding Britain’s complete evacuation 
of the coimtiy. This demand Groat Britain refused 
even to consider. Practically all Englishmen are 
agreed that Egypt with the Suez Canal is the vital link 
between the eastern and western halves of the British 
Empire, and they therefore consider the permanent 
occupation of Egypt an absolute necessity. There is 
thus a clear deadlock between British imperial and 
Eg 3 T)tian national convictions. 

Some years before the war Egypt became so unruly 
that England was obliged to abandon all thoughts of 
conciliation and initiated a r4gime of frank repression 

* Special cable to the New York Times, tdated Rome, May 28, 1919. 


enforced by Lord Kitchener’s heavy hand. The Eu- 
ropean War and Turkey’s adhesion to the Teutonic 
Powers caused fresh outbreaks in Egypt, but these 
were quickly repressed and England took advantage of 
Ottoman belligerency to abolish the fiction of Turkish 
overlordship and declare Egypt a protectorate of the 
British Empire. 

During the war Egypt, flooded with British troops, 
remained quiet, but the end of the war gave the 
signal for an unparalleled outburst of Nationalist 
activity. Basing their claims on such doctrines as 
the “rights of small nations’! and the “self-deter- 
mination of peoples,” the Nationalists demanded im- 
mediate independence and attempted to get Egypt’s 
case before the Vcisailles Peace Conference. In de- 
fiance of English prohibitions, they even held a popular 
plebiscite which upheld their claims. When the Brit- 
ish authorities answered this defiance by arresting Na- 
tionalist leaders, Egypt flamed into rebellion from end 
to end. EveiyTvhere it was the same story. Rail- 
ways and telegraph lines were ^stematically cut. 
Trains were stalled and looted. Isolated British offi- 
cers and soldieis were murdered. In Cairo alone, 
thousands of houses were sacked by the mob. Soon 
the danger was rendered more acute by the irruption 
out of the desert of swarms of Bedouin Arabs bent on 
plunder. For a few days Egypt trembled on the 
verge of anarchy, and the British Government admitted 
in rarliament that all Egypt was in a state of in- 


The British authorities, however, met the crisis 
with vigor and determination. The number of British 
troops in Egypt was very large, trusty black regiments 
were hurried up from the Sudan, and the well-dis- 
ciplined Egyptian native police generally obeyed 
orders. The result was that after several weeks of 
sharp fighting, lasting through the spring of 1919, 
Egypt was again gotten under control. The outlook 
for the future is, however, ominous in the extreme. 
Order is indeed restored, but only the presence of 
massed British and Sudanese black troops guarantees 
that order will be maintained. Even imder the present 
regime of stem maitial law hardly a month passes 
without fresh rioting and heavy loss of life. Egypt 
appears Nationalist to the core, its spokesmen swear 
they will accept nothing short of independence, and in 
the long mn Britain will realize the truth of that pithy 
saying: “You can do everything with bayonets except 
sit on them.” 

India is likewise in a state of profoimd unrest. The 
vast peninsula has been controlled by England for al- 
most two centuries, yet here again the last two decades 
have witnessed a rapidly increasing movement against 
British iTile. This movement was at first confined to 
the upper-class Hindus, the great Mohammedan ele- 
ment preserving its traditional loyalty to the British 
“Raj,” which it considered a protection agahist the 
Brahmanistic Hindu majority. But, as already seen, 
the Pan-Islamic leaven presently reached the Indian 
Moslems, European aggressions *011 Islam stimed their 


resentment, and at length Moslem and Hindu ad- 
journed their ancient feud in their new solidarity 
against European tutelage. 

The Great War provoked relatively little sedition 
in India. Groups of Hindu extremists, to be sure, 
hatched terroristic plots and welcomed German aid, 
but India as a whole backed England and helped win 
the war with both money and men. At the same time, 
Indians gave notice that they expected their loyalty to 
be rewarded, and at the close of the war various 
memorials were drawn up calling for drastic modifica- 
tions of the existing governmental regime. 

India is to-day governed by an English Civil Ser- 
vice whose fairness, honesty, and general efficiency 
no informed person can seriously impugn. But this 
no longer contents Indian aq)irations. India desires 
not merely good government but self-government. 
The ultimate goal of all Indian reformers is emancipa- 
tion from European, tutelage, though they differ among 
themselves as to how and when this emancipation is 
to be attained. The most conservative would be con- 
tent with self-government under British guidance, the 
middle group asks for the full status of a Dominion of 
the British Empire like Canada and Australia, while 
the radicals demand complete independence. Even 
the most conservative of these demands would, how- 
ever, involve great changes of system and a diminu- 
tion of British control. Such demands arouse in Eng- 
land mistrust and apprehension. Englishmen point 
out that India is not a nation but a congeries of diverse 



peoples spiritually sundered by barriers of blood, lan- 
guage, culture, and religion-, and they conclude that, 
if England’s control were really relaxed, India would 
get out of hand and drift toward anarchy. As for 
Indian independence, the average Englishman cannot 
abide the thought, holding it fatal both for the British 
Empire and for India itself. The result has been 
that England has failed to meet Indian demands, and 
this, in turn, has roused an acute recrudescence of dis- 
satisfaction and unrest. The British Government has 
countered with coercive legislation like the Rowlatt 
Acts and has sternly repressed rioting and terrorism. 
British authority is still supreme in India. But it is 
an authority resting more and more upon force. In 
fant, some Englishmen have long considered British 
rule in India, despite its imposing appearance, a de- 
cidedly fragile affair. Many years ago Meredith 
Townsend, who certainly knew India well, wrote: 

“ The English think they will rule India for many cen- 
turies or forever. I do not think so, holding rather the 
older belief that the empire which came in a day will 
disappear in a night. . . . Above all this inconceivable 
mass of humanity, governing all, protecting all, taxing 
all, rises what we call here ‘the Empire,’ a corporation 
of less than 1,500 men, partly chosen by examination, 
partly by co-optation, who are set to govern, and who 
protect themselves in governing by finding pay for a 
minute white garrison of 65,000 men, one-fifth of the 
Roman legions — ^though the masses to be controlled' 
are double the subjects of Rome. That corporation 


and that garrison constitute the ‘Indian Empire.* 
There is nothing else. Banish those 1,500 men in 
black, defeat that slender garrison in red, and the 
empire has ended, the structm-e disappears, and brown 
India emerges, unchanged and unchangeable. To 
support the official world and its garrison— 'both, 
mcollect, smaller than those of Belgium — ^there is, 
except Indian opinion, absolutely nothing. Not only 
is there no white race in India, not only is there no 
white colony, but there is no white man who purposes 
to remam. . . . Tliere are no white servants, not even 
grooms, no white policemen, no white postmen, no 
white anything. If the brown men strack for a week, 
the ‘Empire’ would collapse like a house of cards, 
and every ruling man would be a starving prisoner in 
his own house. He could not move or feed himself 
or get water.” ‘ 

These words aptly illustrate the truth stated at the 
beginning of this book that the basic factor in human 
affairs is not politics but race, and that the most im- 
posing political phenomena, of themselves, mean noth- 
ing. And that is just the fatal weakness underljdng 
the white man’s present political domination over the 
brown world. Throughout that entire world there is 
no settled white population save in the French colonies 
of Algeria and Tunis along the Mediterranean sea- 
board, where whites fonn perhaps one-sixth of the 
total. Elsewhere, from Morocco to the Dutch In- 
dies, there is in the racial sense, as Townsend well 

^ Towiuseudi op. pp. 82-87. 


says, “no white anything,” and if white rule vanished 
to-morrow it would not leave a human trace behind. 
WTiite rule is therefore purely political, ba.sed on pre- 
scription, prestige, and lack of effective opposition. 
These are indeed fragile foundations. Let the brown 
world once make up its mind that the white man must 
go, and he vxiU go, for his position will have become 
simply impossible. It is not solely a question of a 
“Holy War”; mere passive resistance, if genuine and 
general, would shake white rule to its foundations. 
And it is precisely the determination to get rid of white 
rule which seems to be qjreading like wild-fire over the 
brown world to-day. The imrcst which I have de- 
scribed in Egypt and India merely typify what is going 
on in Morocco, Central Asia, the Dutch Indies, the 
Philippines, and every other portion of the brown 
world whose inhabitants are above the grade of savages. 

Another factor favoring the prospects of brown eman- 
cipation is the lack of sustained resistance which the 
white world would probably offer. For the white 
world’s interests in these regions, though great, are 
not fundamental; that is to say, racial. However 
grievously they might suffer politically and economi- 
cally, racially the white peoples would lose almost 
nothing. Here again we see the basic unpoi’tance of 
race in human affairs. Contrast, for example, Eng- 
land’s attitude toward an insurgent India with France’s 
attitude toward an msuigent North Africa. England, 
with nothing racial at stake, would hesitate before a 
reconquest of India involving ^millions of soldiers and 


billions of treasure. France, on the other hand, with 
nearly a million Europeans in her North African posses- 
sions, half of these full-blooded Frenchmen, might 
risk her last franc and her last poUu rather than see 
these blood-brothers slaughtered and enslaved. 

Assuming, then, what to-day seems probable, that 
white political control over the brown world is destined 
to be sensibly curtailed if not generally eliminated, 
what are the larger racial implications? Above all: 
will the browns tend to impinge on white race-areas 
as the yellows show signs of doing? Probably, no; 
at least, not to any gi-eat extent. In the first place, 
the brown world has within its present confines plenty 
of room for potential race-expansion. Outside India, 
Egypt, Java, and a few lesser spots, there is scarcely 
a brown land where natural improvements such as 
irrigation would not open up extensive settlement 
areas. Mesopotamia alone, now almost uninhabited, 
might support a vast population, while Persia could 
nourish several times its present inhabitants. 

India, to be sure, is almost as congested as China, 
and the spectre of the Indian coolie has lately alarmed 
white lands like Canada and South Africa almost as 
much as the Chinese coolie has done. But an indepen- 
dent India would fall under the same political blight as 
the rest of the brown world — ^the blight of internecine 
dissensions and wars. The brown world’s present 
growing solidarity is not a positive but a negative 
phenomenon. It is an alliance, against a common foe, 
of traditional enemies who, once the bond was loosed 


in victory, would inevitably quarrel among themselves. 
Turk would fly at Arab and Turkoman at Persian, as 
of yore, while India would become a welter of contend- 
ing Hindus, Moslems, Sikhs, Gurkhas, and heaven 
knows what, until perchance disciplined anew by the 
pressure of a Yellow Peril. In Western Asia it is pos- 
sible that the spiritual and cultural bonds of Islam 
might temper these struggles, but Western Asia is 
precisely that part of the brown world where popula- 
tion-pressure is absent. India, the overpeopled brown 
land, would undergo such a cycle of strife as would 
devour its human surplus and render distant aggres- 
sions impossible. 

A potential brown menace to white race-areas 
would, indeed, arise in case of a brown-yellow alliance 
against the white peoples. But such an alliance could 
occur only in the first stages of a pan-colored war of 
liberation while the pressure of white world-pivdomi- 
nance was still keenly felt and before the divisive 
tendencies within the brown world had begun to take 

Short of such an alliance (wherein the browns 
would abet the yellows’ aggressive, racial objectives in 
return for yellow support of their own essentially de- 
fensive, political ends), the brown world’s emancipa- 
tion from white domination would apparently not 
result in more than local pressmes on white race- 
areas. It would, however, affect another sphere of 
white political control — ^black Africa. The emanci- 
pation of brown, Islamic North Africa would inevitar 


bly send a ^onpathetic thrill through every portion of 
the Dark Continent and would stir both Mohammedan 
and pagan negroes against white rule. Islam is, in 
fact, the intimate link between the brown and black 
worlds. But this subject, with its momentous implicar 
tions, will be discussed in the next chapter. 


Black Man’s Land is primarily Africa south of the 
Sahara Desert. Here dwell the bulk of all the 150,- 
000,000 black men on eaith. The negro and negroid 
population of Africa is estimated at about 120,000,000 — 
foui>fifths of the black race-total. Besides its African 
nucleus the black race has two distant outposts: the 
one in Australasia, the other in the Americas. The 
Eastern blacks are found mainly in the archipelagoes 
lying between the Asiatic land-mass and Australia. 
They are the Oriental survivors of the black belt which 
in veiy ancient times stretched unintermptedly from 
Africa across southern Asia to the Pacific Ocean. The 
Asiatic blacks were overwhelmed by other races ages 
ago, and only a few wild tribes like the “Negritos” 
of the Philippines and the Jungle-dwellers of Indo- 
China and southern India siuwive as genuine negroid 
stocks. All the peoples of southern Asia, however, 
are darkened by this ancient negroid strain. The peo- 
ples of south India are notably tinged with black blood. 
As for the pure blacks of the Australasian archipelagoes, 
they are so few in numbers (about 3,000,000) and so 
low in type that they are of negligible importance. 
Quite otherwise are the blacks of the Far West. In 
the western hemisphere theit are 'some 25,000,000 



persons of more or less mixed black blood, brought 
thither in modem times as slaves by the white con- 
querors of the New World. Still, whatever may be 
the destiny of these transplanted black folk, the black 
^ man’s chief significance, from the world aspect, must 
' remain bound up with the great nucleus of negro popu- 
lation in the African homeland. 

Black Africa, as I have said, lies south of the Sahara 
Desert. Here the negro has dwelt for unnvunbered 
ages. The key-note of black history, like yellow his- 
tory, has been isolation. Cut off from the Mediter- 
ranean by the desert which he had no means of crossing, 
and boxmded elsewhere by oceans which he had no 
skill in navigating, the black man vegetated in savage 
obscurity, his habitat being well named the “Dark 

Until the white tide began breaking on its sea- 
fronts four centiuies ago, the black world’s only ex- 
ternal stimuli had come from brown men landing on 
its eastern coasts or ascending the valley of the Nile. 
As time passed, both brown and white pressures be- 
came more intense, albeit the browns long led in the 
process of penetration. Advancing from the east 
and trickling across the desert from the north, Arab or 
Arabized adventurers conquered black Africa to the 
equator; and this political subjugation had also a 
racial side, for the conquerors sowed their blood freely 
and set a brownish stamp on many regions. As for 
the whites, they long remained mere birds of passage. 
Half a centmy ago they possessed little more than 


trading-posts along the littorals, their only real settle- 
ment lying in the extreme south. 

Then, suddenly, all was changed. In the closing dec- 
ades of the nineteenth century, Exuope tinned its gaze 
full upon the Dark Continent, and within a generation 
Africa was partitioned between the European Powers. 
Negro and Arab alike fell under European domination. 
Only minute Liberia and remote Abyssinia retained 
a qualified independence. Furthermore, white settle- 
ment also made distinct progress. The tropical bulk 
of Africa defied white colonization, but the continent’s 
northern and southern extremities were climatically 
“white man’s country.” Accordingly, there are to- 
day nearly a million whites settled along the Algerian 
and Tunisian seaboard, while in South Africa, Dutch 
and British blood has built up a powerful common- 
wealth containing fully one and one-half million white 
souls. In Africa, unlike Asia, the European has taken 
root, and has thus gained at least local teniares of a 
fundamental nature. 

The crux of the African problem therefore resolves 
itself into the question whether the white man, through 
consolidated racial holds north and south, will be able 
to perpetuate his present political control over the in- 
termediate continental mass which climate debars 
him from populating. This is a matter of great im- 
portance, for Africa is a land of enormous potential 
wealth, the natural source of Europe’s tropical raw 
materials and foodstuffs. Whether Europe is to 
retain possession depends, in the last analysis, on the 


character of the inhabitants. It is, then, to the nature 
of the black man and his connection with the brown 
world that we must direct our attention. 

From the first glance we see that, in the negro, we 
are in the presence of a being differing profoundly 
not merely from the white man but also from those 
human types which we discovered in otir siuveys of 
the brown and yellow worlds. The black man is, 
indeed, sharply differentiated from the other branches 
of mankind. His outstanding quality is superabun- 
dant animal vitality. In this he easily surpasses all 
other races. To it he owes his intense emotionalism. 
To it, again, is duo liis extreme fecundity, the negro 
being the quickest of breeders. This abounding 
vitality shows in many other ways, such as the negro’s 
ability to survive hareh conditions of slavery under 
which other races have soon succumbed. Lastly, 
in ethnic crossings, the negro strikingly displays his 
prepotency, for black blood, once entering a human 
stock, seems never really bred out again. 

Negro fecundity is a prime factor in Africa’s future. 
In the savage state which until recently prevailed, 
black multiplication was kept down by a wide variety 
of checks. Both natural and social causes combined 
to maintain an extremely high death-rate. The 
negro’s political ineptitude, never rising above the tribal 
concept, kept black Africa a mosaic of peoples, war- 
ring savagely among themselves and widely addicted 
to cannibalism. Then, too, the native religions were 
usually sanguinaiy, degianding a prodigality of hu- 


man sacrifices. The killings ordained by negro wizards 
and witch-doctors sometimes attained unbelievable 
proportions. The combined result of all this was a 
wastage of life which in other races would have spelled 
a declining population. Since the establishment of 
white political control, however, these checks on black 
fecundity are no longer operative. The white rulers 
fight filth and disease, stop tribal wars, and stamp out 
superstitious abominations. In consequence, popula- 
tion increases by leaps and bounds, the latent possi- 
bilities being shown in the native reservations in South 
Africa, where tribes have increased as much as ten- 
fold in fifty or sixty years. It is therefore practically 
certain that the African negroes will multiply prodig- 
iously in the next few decades. 

Now, what will be the attitude of these augmenting 
black masses toward white political dominion? To 
that momentous query no cei-tain answer can be made. 
One thing, however, seems clear: the black world’s re- 
action to white ascendancy will be markedly different 
from those of the brown and yellow worlds, because of 
the profound dissimilarities between negroes and men 
of other stocks. To begin with, the black peoples 
have no historic pasts. Never having evolved civiliza- 
tions of their own, they are practically devoid of that 
accumulated mass of beliefs, thoughts, and experiences 
which render Asiatics so impenetrable and so hostile 
to white influences. Although the white race displays 
sustained constructive power to an unrivalled degree, 
particularly in its Nordic bran«hes, the brown and yel- 


low peoples have contributed greatly to the civilizit- 
tion of the world and have profoundly influenced 
hximan progress. The negro, on the contrary, has con- 
tributed virtually nothing. Left to himself, he re- 
mained a savage, and in the past his only quickening 
^ has been where brown men have imposed their ideas 
and altered his blood. The originating powers of the 
European and the Asiatic are not in him. 

This lack of constructive originality, however, 
renders the negro extremely susceptible to external in- 
fluences. The Asiatic, conscious of his past and his 
potentialities, is chary of foreign innovations and re- 
fuses to recognize alien superiority. The negro, hav- 
ing no past, welcomes novelty and tacitly admits that 
others are his masters. Both brown and white men 
have been so accepted in Africa. The relatively faint 
resistance offered by the naturally brave blacks to 
white and brown conquest, the ready reception of 
Christianity and Islam, and the extraordinary personal 
ascendancy acquired by individual Arabs and Euro- 
peans, all indicate a willingness to accept foreign tute- 
lage which in the Asiatic is wholly absent. 

The Arab and the European are, in fact, rivals for 
the masterahip of black Africa. The Arab had a long 
start, but the European suddenly overtook him and 
brought not only the blacks but the African Arabs 
themselves under his sway. It remains to be seen 
whether the Arab, allying himself with the blacks, can 
oust his white rival. That some such move will be at- 
tempted, in view of the*' brown world’s renaissance in 


general aoid the extraordinary aotivity of the Arab 
peoples in particular, seems a foregone conclusion. 
How the matter will work out depends on three things! 
(l) the brown man’s inherent strength in Africa; (2) 
the possibilities of black disaffection against white 
tutelage; (3) the white man’s strength and power of 

The seat of brown power in Africa is of course the 
great belt of territory north of the Sahara. From 
Egypt to Morocco the inhabitants are Arabized in cul- 
ture and Mohammedan in faith, while Arab blood has 
percolated ever since the Moslem conquest twelve 
centuries ago. In the eastern half of this zone Arabiza- 
tion has been complete, and Egypt, Tripoli, and the 
Sudan can be considered as unalterably wedded to the 
brown Islamic world. The zone’s western half, how- 
ever, is in different case. The majority of its inhabi- 
tants are Berbers, an ancient stock generally considered 
white, with close affinities to the Latin peoples across 
the Mediterranean. As usual, blood tells. The Ber- 
bers have been under Arab tutelage for over a thousand 
years, yet their whole manner of life remains distinct, 
they have largely kept their language, and there has 
been comparatively little intermarriage. Pure-blooded 
Arabs abound, but they are still, in a way, foreigners. 
To-day the entire region is imder white, French, rule. 
Algeria, in particular, has been politically French for 
almost a hundred years. Europeans have come in 
and number nearly a million souls. The Arab element 
shows itself sullen and refractory, but the Berbers dis- 


play much less aversion to Fi'ench rule, which, as usual, 
is considerate of native susceptibilities. The French 
colonial authorities are alive to the Berber’s ethnic 
affinities and tactfully seek to stimulate his dormant 
white consciousness. In Algeria intermarriage be- 
tween Europeans and Berbers has actually begun. Of 
course the process is merely in its first stages. Still, 
the blood is there, the leaven is working, and in time 
Northwest Africa may return to the white world, 
where it was in Roman days and where it racially be- 
longs. In the anti-European disturbances now taking 
place in Algeria and Tunis it is safe to say that the Arab 
element is making most of the trouble. 

It is Northeast Africa, then, which is the real nucleus 
of Arabism. Here Arabism and Islam rule unchecked, 
and in the preceding chapter we saw how the Senussi 
Order was marshalling the fierce nomads of the desert. 
These tribesmen are relatively few in numbers, but 
more splendid fighting material does not exist in the 
wide world. Furthermore, the Arab-negroid peoples 
which have developed along the southern edge of the 
desert so blend the martial qualities of both strains 
that they frequently display an almost demoniacal 
fighting-power. It is Pan-Islamism’s hope to use these 
Arab or Arabized fanatics as an officers’ corps for the 
black millions ’P’hom it is converting to the faith. 

Concerning Islam’s steady progress in black Africa 
there can be no shadow of a doubt. Every candid Eu- 
ropean observer tells the same story. “ Mohammedan- 
ism,” says Sir Charles EJJliott, “ can still give the natives 


a motive for animosity against Europeans and a xmity 
of which thqr are otherwise incapable.” ^ Twenty years 
ago another English obseiwer, T. R. Threlfall, wrote: 
“Mohammedanism is making marvellous progress 
in the interior of Africa. It is crushing paganism out. 
Against it the Christian propaganda is a myth. . . . 
The rapid spread of militant Mohammedanism among 
the savage tribes to the north of the equator is a serious 
factor in the fight for racial supremacy in Africa. With 
very few exceptions the colored races of Africa are pre- 
eminently fighters. To them the law of the stronger 
is supreme; they have been conquered, and in turn 
they conquered. To them the fierce, warlike spirit 
inherent in Mohammedanism is infinitely more attrac- 
tive than is the gentle, peace-loving, high moral stand- 
ard of Christianity: hence, the rapid headway the 
former is making in central Africa, and the certainty 
that it will soon spread to the south of the Zam- 

The ivay in which Islam is marching southward 
is dramatically shown by a recent incident. A few 
years ago the British authorities suddenly discovered 
that Mohammedanism was pervading Nyassaland. 
An investigation brought out the fact that it was the 
work of Zanzibar Arabs. They began their propa- 
ganda about 1900. Ten years later almost every vil- 
lage in southern Nyassaland had its Moslem teacher 

* A. R, Colquhoun, “ Pan-Islain,” Yorth American Review ^ June, 1906. 
•T. R. Threlfall, “Senussi and Hia Threatened Holy War,” ATin#- 
<ientfc Century^ March, 1900. ' 


and its mosque-hut. Although the movement was 
frankly anti-European, the British authorities did not 
dare to check it for fear of repercussions elsewhere. 
Another interesting fact, probably not unconnected, 
is that Nyassaland has lately been the theatre of an 
anti-white “Christian” propaganda — ^the so-called 
“Ethiopian Chxirch,” of which I shall presently speak. 

Islam has thus two avenues of approach to the Afri- 
can negro — ^his natural preference for a militant faith 
and his resentment at white tutelage. It is the dis- 
inclination of the more martial African peoples for a 
pacific creed which perhaps accounts for Christianity’s 
slow progress among the very warlike tribes of South 
Africa, such as the Zulus and the Matabele. Islam 
is as yet unknown south of the Zambezi, but white 
men universally dread the possibility of its appearance, 
fearing its effect upon the natives. Of course Chris- 
tianity has made distinct progress in the Dark Conti- 
nent. The natives of the South African Union are 
predominantly Christianized. In east-central Africa 
Christianity has also gained many converts, particu- 
larly in Uganda, while on the West African Guinea 
coast Christian missions have long been established 
and have generally succeeded in keeping Islam away 
from the seaboard. Certainly, all white men, whether 
professing Christians or not, should welcome the suc- 
cess of missionary efforts in Africa. The degrading 
fetishism and demonology which sum up the native 
pagan cults cannot stand, and all negroes will some 
day be either Christians or Moslems. In so far as he 



is Christianized, the negro’s savage instincts will be 
restrained and he will bo disposed to acquiesce in 
white tutelage. In so far as he is Islamized, the negro’s 
warlike propensities will be inflamed, and he will be 
used as the tool of Arab Pan-Islamism seeking to drive 
the white man from Africa and make the continent 
its very own. 

As to specific anti-white sentiments among negroes 
untouched by Moslem propaganda, such sentiments 
undoubtedly exist in many quarters. The strongest 
manifestations are in South Africa, where interracial 
relations are bad and becoming worse, but there is 
much diffused, half-articulate dislike of white men 
throughout central Africa as well. Devoid though 
the African savage is of either national or cultural con- 
sciousness, he could not be expected to welcome a tute- 
lage which imposed many irksome restrictions upon 
him. Furthermore, the African negro does seem to 
possess a certain rudimentary sense of race-solidarity. 
The existence of both these sentiments is proved by the 
way in which the news of white military reverses have 
at once been known and rejoiced in aU over black 
Africa; spread, it would seem, by those mysterious 
methods of communication employed by negroes every- 
where and called in our Southern States “grape-vine 
telegraph.” The Russo-Japanese War, for example, 
produced all over the Dar k Continent intensely exciting 

This generalized anti-white feeling has, during the 
past decade, taken tangible form in South Africa. 


The white population of the Union, though numbering 
1,500,000, is surrounded by a black population four 
times as great and increasing more rapidly, while in 
many sections the whites are outnumbered ten to one. 
The result is a state of affairs exactly paralleling con- 
ditions in our own South, the South African whites 
feeling obliged to protect their ascendancy by elaborate 
legal regulations and social taboos. The negroes have 
been rapidly growing more restive under these dis- 
criminations, and unpleasant episodes like race-riots, 
rapiogs, and lyncliings are increasing in South Africa 
from year to year. 

One of the most significant, not to say ominous, signs 
of the times is the “Ethiopian Church” movement. 
The movement began about fifteen years ago, some of 
its founders being Afro-American Methodist preacheis 
— ^a fact which throws a curious light on possible Ameri- 
can negro reflexes upon their ancestral homeland. The 
movement spread rapidly, many native mission congre- 
gations cutting loose from white ecclesiastical control 
and joining the negro organization. It also soon dis- 
played frankly anti-white tendencies, and the govern- 
ment became seriously alarmed at its unsettling influ- 
ence upon the native mind. It was suspected of having 
had a hand in the Zulu rising which broke out in 
Natal in 1907 and which was put down only after many 
whites and thousands of natives had lost their lives. 
Shortly afterward the authorities outlawed the Ethio- 
pian Church and forbade Afro-American preachers to 
enter South Africa, but the movement, though legally 


suppressed, lived surreptitiously on and appeared in 
new quarters. 

In 1915 a peculiarly fanatical form of Ethiopianism 
broke out in Nyassaland. Its leader was a certain 
John Chilembwe, an Ethiopian preacher who had 
been educated in the United States. His propa- 
ganda was bitterly anti-white, asserting that Africa 
belonged to the black man, that the white man was 
an intruder, and that he ought to be killed off until he 
grew discouraged and abandoned the countiy. Chilem- 
bwe plotted a rising all over Nyassaland, the killing of 
the white men, and the carrying off of the white women. 
In Januaiy, 191.5, the rising took place. Some planta- 
tions were sacked and several whites killed, their heads 
being carried to Chilembwe ’s “church,” where a 
thanksgiving service for victoiy was held. The whites, 
however, acted with great vigor, the poorly armed in- 
sui-gents were quickly scattered, and John Chilembwe 
himself was soon hunted down and killed. In itself, 
the incident was of slight importance, but, taken in 
connection with much else, it does not augur well for 
the future.’ 

An interesting indication of the growing sense of 
negro race-solidarity was the “Pan-African Congress” 
hold at Paris early in 1919. Here delegates from black 
communities throughout the world gathered to discuss 
mattera of common interest. Most of the delegates 
were from Africa and the Americas, but one delegate 
from New Guinea was also present, thus representing 

^ For details, see The Annxwl li^gister for 1015 and 1916. 


the Australasian branch of the black race. The 
Congress was not largely attended and was of a some- 
what provisional character, but aiTangements for the 
holding of subsequent congresses were made. 

Here, then, is the African problem’s present status: 
To begin with, we have a rapidly growing black popu- 
lation, increasingly restive under white tutelage and 
continually excited by Pan-Islamic propaganda vidth 
the further complication of another anti-white propa- 
ganda spread by negro radicals from America. 

The African situation is thus somewhat analogous 
to conditions in Asia. But the analogy must not be 
pressed too far. In Asia white hegemony rests solely 
on political bases, while the Asiatics themselves, browns 
and yellows alike, display constructive power and 
possess civilizations built up by their own efforts from 
the remote past. The Asiatics are to-day once more 
displaying their innate capacity by not merely adopt- 
ing, but adapting, white ideas and methods. We be- 
hold an Asiatic renaissance, whose genuineness is best 
attested by the fact that there have been similar 
movements in past times. 

None of this applies to Africa. The black race has 
never shown real constructive power. It has never 
built up a native civilization. Such progress as cer- 
tain negro groups have made has been due to external 
pressure and has never long outlived that pressure’s 
removal, for the negro, when left to himself, as in 
Haiti and Liberia, rapidly reverts to his ancestral ways. 
The negro is a facile, ev«n eager, imitator; but there 


he stops. He adopts; but he does not adapt, assim- 
ilate, and give forth creatively again. 

The whole of history testifies to this truth. As the 
Englishman Meredith Townsend says: “None of the 
black races, whether negro or Australian, have shown 
within the historic time the capacity to develop civiliza- 
tion. They have never passed the boundaries of their 
own habitats as conquerors, and never exercised the 
smallest influence over peoples not black. They have 
never founded a stone city, have never built a ship, 
have never produced a literature, have never sug- 
gested a creed. . . . There seems to be no reason for 
this except race. It is said that the negro has been 
buried in the most 'massive’ of the four continents, 
and has been, so to speak, lost to humanity; but he 
was always on the Nile, the immediate road to the 
Mediterranean, and in West and East Africa he was 
on the sea. Africa is probably more fertile, and almost 
certainly richer than Asia, and is pierced by rivers as 
mighty, and some of them at least as navigable. What 
could a singularly healthy race, armed with a constitu- 
tion which resists the sun and defies malaria, wish for 
better than to be seated on the Nile, or the Congo, or 
the Niger, in numbers amply sufficient to execute any 
needed work, from the cutting of forests and the mak- 
ing of roads up to the building of cities? How was 
the negro more secluded than the Peruvian; or why 
was he ‘shut up’ worse than the Taiiar of Samareand, 
who one day shook himself, gave up all tribal feuds, 
and, from the Sea of Okliotsk«to the Baltic and south- 


ward to the Nerbudda, mastered the world? . . . The 
negro went by himself far beyond the Australian savage. 
He learned the use of fire, the fact that sown grain will 
grow, the value of shelter, the use of the bow and the 
canoe, and the good of clothes; but there to all appear- 
ances he stopped, imable, until stimulated by another 
race like the Arab, to advance another step.” * 

Unless, then, every lesson of history is to be disre- 
garded, we must conclude that black Africa is unable 
to stand alone. The black man’s numbers may in- 
crease prodigiously and acquire alien veneers, but the 
black man’s nature will not change. Black imrest may 
grow and cause much trouble. Nevertheless, the white 
man must stand fast in Africa. No black “renais- 
sance” impends, and Africa, if abandoned by the whites, 
would merely fall beneath the onset of the browns. 
And that would be a great calamity. As stated in the 
preceding chapter, the brown peoples, of themselves, 
do not directly menace white race-areas, while Pan- 
Islamism is at present an essentially defensive move- 
ment. But Islam is militant by nature, and the Arab 
is a restless and warlike breed. Pan-Islamism once 
possessed of the Dark Continent and filred by militant 
zealots, might forge black Africa into a sword of 
wrath, the executor of sinister adventures. 

Fortunately the white man has every reason for 
keeping a firm hold on Africa. Not only are its cen- 
tral tropics prime somces of raw materials and food- 
stuffs which white direction can alone develop, but to 

*.Toinisend, op^cU., pp. 92, 36&-S.. 


north and south the white man has struck deep roots 
into the soil. Both extremities of the continent are 
“white man’s coimtry,” where strong white peoples 
should ultimately arise. Two of the chief white 
Powers, Britain and France, are pledged to the hilt 
in this racial task and will spare no effort to safeguard 
the heritage of their pioneering children. Brown in- 
fluence in Africa is strong, but it is supreme only in the 
northeast and its line of communication with the 
Asiatic homeland runs over the narrow neck of Suez. 
Should stem necessity arise, the white world could 
hold Suez against Asiatic assault and cmsh brown re- 
sistance in Africa. 

In short, the real danger to white control of Africa 
lies, not in brown attack or black revolt, but in 
possible white weakness through chronic discord within 
the white world itself. And that subject must be re- 
served for later chapters. 



Red Man’s Land is the Americas between the Rio 
Grande and the tropic of Capricorn. Here dwells 
the “Amerindian” race. At the time of Columbus 
the whole western hemisphere was theirs, but the 
white man has extirpated or absorbed them to north 
and south, so that to-day the United States and Can- 
ada in North America and the southern portions of 
South America are genuine “white man’s country.” 
In the intermediate zone above mentioned, however, 
the Amerindian has survived and forms the majority 
of the population, albeit considerably mixed with white 
and to a lesser degree with negro blood. The total 
number of “Indians,” including both full-bloods and 
mixed t 5 T)es, is about 40,000,000 — ^more than two- 
thirds of the whole population. In addition, there are 
several million negroes and mulattoes, mostly in Brazil. 
The white population of the intermediate zone, even if 
we include “near-whites,” does not average more than 
10 per cent, though it varies greatly with different re- 
gions. The reader should remember that neither the 
West India Islands nor the southern portion of the 
Couth American continent are included in this gener- 
alization. In the West Indies the Amerindian has com- 
pletely died out and hjCs been replaced by the negro, 




while southern South America, especially Argentina 
and Uruguay, are genuine white man’s country in which 
there is little Indian and no negro blood. De^ite 
these exceptions, however, the fact remains that, taken 
as a whole, “Latin America,” the vast land-block from 
the Bio Grande to Cape Horn, is racially not “Latin” 
but Amerindian or negroid, with a thin Spanish or 
Portuguese veneer. In other words, though commonly 
considered part of the white world, most of Latin 
America is ethnically colored man’s land, which has 
been growing more colored for the past htmdred years. 

Latin America’s evolution was predetermined by the 
Spanish Conquest. That very word “conquest” teUs 
the story. The United States was settled by colonists 
planning homes and bringing their women. It was 
thus a genuine migration, and resulted in a full trans- 
planting of white stock to new soil. The Indians en- 
countered were wild nomads, fierce of temper and few 
in number. After sharp conflicts they were extirpated, 
leaving virtually no ethnic traces behind. The colo- 
nization of Latin America was the e.xact antithesis. 
The Spanish Conquistadores were bold warriors descend- 
ing upon vast regions inhabited by relatively dense 
populations, some of which, as in Mexico and Peru, had 
attained a certain degree of civilization. The Span- 
iards, invincible in their shining armor, paralyzed with 
terror these people still dwelling in the age of bronze 
and polished stone. With ridiculous ease mere hand- 
fuls of whites overthrew empires and lorded it like gods 
over servile and adoring multitudes. Cortez marched 


on Mexico with less than 600 followers, while Pizarro 
had but 310 companions when he started his conquest 
of Peru. Of course the fabulous treasures amassed 
in these exploits drew swarms of bold adventurers 
from Spain. Nevertheless, their numbers were al- 
ways infinitesimal compared with the vastness of the 
quariy, while the proportion of women immigrants 
continued to lag far behind that of the men. The 
breeding of pure whites in Latin America was thus both 
scanty and slow. 

On the other hand, the breeding of mixed-bloods 
began at once and attained notable proportions. Hav- 
ing slaughtered the Indian males or brigaded them in 
slave-gangs, the Conquistadores took the Indian 
women to themselves. The humblest man-at-arms 
had several female attendants, while the leaders be- 
came veritable pashas with great harems of concu- 
bines. The result was a prodigious output of half-, 
breed children, known as “mestizos” or “cholos.” 

And soon a new ethnic complication was added. The 
Indians having developed a melancholy trick of dying 
off under slaveiy, the Spaniards imported African 
negroes to fill the servile ranks, and since they took 
negresses as well as Indian women for concubines, other 
half-breeds — mulattoes — ^appeared. Here and there 
Indians and negroes mated on their own accoxmt, the 
offspring being known as “zambos.” In time these 
various hybrids bred among themselves, producing the 
most extraordinary ethnic combinations. As Garcia- 
Calderon well puts itf “Grotesque generations with 


fveiy shade of complexion and every confonnation of 
gkuU were bom in America — a crucible continually 
agitated by unheard-of fusions of races. . . . But there 
was little Latin blood to be found in the homes formed 
i ,y the sensuality of the first conquerors of a desolated 
America.” * 

To be sure, this mongiel population long remained 
politically negligible. The Spaniards regarded them- 
selves as a master-caste, and excluded all save pme 
whites from civic rights and social privileges. In 
fact, the European-born Spaniards refused to recognize 
even their colonial-bom kinsmen as their equals, and 
“Creoles”* could not aspire to the higher distinctions 
or offices. This attitude was largely inspired by the de- 
sire to maintain a lucrative monopoly. Yet the Euro- 
pean’s sense of superiority had some valid grounds. 
There can be no doubt that the Creole whites, as a 
class, showed increasing signs of degeneracy. Climate 
was a prime cause in the hotter regions, but there 
were many plateau areas, as in Colombia, Mexico, and 
Pern, which though geographically in the tropics had 
a temperate climate from their elevation. 

Even more than by climate the Creole was injured 
by contact with the colored races. Pampered and cor- 
rupted from birth by obsequious slaves, the Creole 

^F. Garcia-Calderon, “Latin America: Its Rise and Progress,” 
p. 49 (English translation, London, 1913). 

* Although loose usage has since obscured its true meaning, the term 
“Creole” has to do, not with race, but with birthplace. “Creole” 
originally meant “one bom in the colonies.” Down to the nineteenth 
century, this was perfectly clear. Whites were “Creole” or “Eu- 
ropean”; negroes were “Creole” or “African.” 


usually led an idle and vapid existence, disdaining 
work as servile and debarred from higher callings by 
his European-born superiors. As time passed, the de- 
generacy due to climate and custom was intensified 
by degeneracy of blood. Despite legal enactment and 
social taboo, colored strains percolated insidiously into 
the creole stock. The leading families, by elaborate 
precautions, might succeed in keeping their escutchecms 
clean, but hmnbler circles darkened significantly despite 
fervid protestations of “pure-white” blood. Still, so 
long as Spain kept her hold on Latin America, the 
process of miscegenation, socially considered, was a 
slow one. The whole social system was based on the 
idea of white superiority, and the colors were carefully 
graded. “In America,” wrote Humboldt toward the 
close of Spanish rule, “the more or less white skin de- 
termines the position which a man holds in society.”* 
The revolution against Spain had momentous con- 
sequences for the racial future of Latin America. In 
the beginning, to be sure, it was a white civil war— a 
revolt of the Creoles against European oppression and 
discrimination. The heroes of the revolution — ^Bolivar, 
Miranda, San Martin, and the rest — were aristocrats of 
pure-white blood. But the revolution presently de- 
veloped new features. To begin with, the struggle 
was very long. Commencing in 1809, it lasted almost 
twenty years. The whites were decimated by fratrici- 
dal fury, and when the Spanish cause was finally lost, 
multitudes of loyalists mainly of the superior soriftl 

^ Garcui-Calderon, p. 50. 


classes left the country. Meanwhile, the half-castes, 
who had rallied wholesale to the revolutionary banner, 
were demanding their reward. The Creoles wished 
to close the revolutionary cycle and establish a new 
society based, like the old, upon white supremacy, with 
themselves substituted for the Spaniards. Bolivar 
planned a limited monarchy and a white electoral oli- 
garchy. But this was far from suiting the half-castes. 
For them the revolution had just begun. Raising the 
cry of “democracy,” then become fashionable through 
the North American and French revolutions, they 
proclaimed the doctrine of “equality” regardless of 
skin. Disillusioned and full of foreboding, Bolivar, 
the master-spirit of the revolution, disappeared from 
the scene, and his lieutenants, like the generals of 
Alexander, quarrelled among themselves, split Latin 
America into jarring fragments, and waged a long 
series of internecine wais. The flood-gates of anarchy 
were opened, the result being a steady w'^eakening of the 
whites and a corresponding rise of the half-castes in the 
political and social scale. Everywhere ambitious sol- 
diers led the mongrel mob against the white aristocracy, 
breaking its power and making themselves dictators. 
These “caudillos” were apostles of equality and mis- 
cegenation. Says Garcia-Calderon: “Tyrants foimd 
democracies; they lean on the support of the people, 
the half-breeds and negroes, against the oligarchies; 
they dominate the colonial nobility, favor the crossing 
of races, and free the slaves.” * 

^ Garcia-Calcferon, p. 89. 


The consequences of all this were lamentable in 
the extreme. Latin America’s level of civilization fell 
far below that of colonial days. Spanish rule, though 
narrow and tyraimical, had maintained peace and social 
stabiiity. Now all was a hideous chaos wherein fren- 
zied castes and colois grappled to the death. Ignorant 
mestizos and brutal negroes trampled the fine flowers 
of culture under foot, while as by a malignant inverse 
selection the most intelligent and the most cultivated 

These deplorable conditions prevailed in Latin 
America until well past the middle of the nineteenth 
centuiy. Of course, here as elsewhere, anarchy en- 
gendered tyranny, and strong caudillos sometimes per- 
petuated their dictatoiship for decades, as in Para- 
guaj'^ under Doctor Francia and in Mexico under Por- 
firio Diaz. However, these were mere interludes, of 
no eonstmetive import. Always the aging lion lost 
his grip, the lurking hyenas of anarchy downed him at 
last, and the land sank once more mto revolutionary 
rfxads. Some parts of Latin America did, indeed, def- 
initely emerge into the light of stable progress. But 
those favored regions owed their deliverance, not to 
dictatorship, but to race. One of two factors always 
operated: either (1) an efficient white oligarchy; or 
(2) Aryanization through wholesale European immigra- 

Stabilization through oligarchy is best illustrated 
by Chile. Chilean history differs widely from that 
of the rest of Latin America. A land of cool climate, 


no gold, and warlike Araucanian Indians, Chile at- 
tracted the pioneering settler rather than the swash- 
buckling seeker of treasure-trove. Now the pioneer- 
ing types in Spain come mainly from those northern 
provinces which have ’•etained considerable Nordic 
blood. The Chilean co» nists were thus largely blond 
Asturians or austere, retvsOnable Basques, seeking homes 
and bringing their women. Of course there was cross- 
ing with the natives, but the fierce Araucanian aborig- 
ines clung to their wild freedom and kept up an inter- 
minable frontier warfare in which the occasions for 
race-mixture were relatively few. The country was 
thus settled by a resident squirearchy of an almost 
English type. This ruling gentry jealously guarded 
its racial integrity. In fact, it possessed not merely 
a white but a Nordic race-consciousness. The Chilean 
gently called themselves sons of the Visigoths, scions 
of Euric and Pelayo, who had found in remote Arau- 
cania a chance to slake their racial thirst for fighting 
and freedom. 

In Chile, as elsewhere, the revolution provoked a 
cycle of disorder. But the cycle was short, and was 
more a political struggle between white factions than 
a social welter of caste and race. Furthei-more, Chile 
was receiving fresh accessions of Nordic blood. Many 
English, Scotch, and Irish gentleman-adventurers, 
taking part in the War of Independence, settled dovra 
in a land so reminiscent of their own. Gennans also 
came in considerable numbers, settling especially in 
the colder south. Thtis the Chilean upper classes. 


always pure white, became steadily more Nordic in 
ethnic character. The political and social results 
were unmistakable. Chile rapidly evolved a stable 
society, essentially oligarchic and consciously patterned 
on aristocratic England. Efficient, practical, and ex- 
tremely patriotic, the Chilean oligarchs made their 
country at once the most stable and the most dynamic 
factor ill Latin America. 

The distinctly “Northern” character of Chile and 
the Chileans strike foreign observers. Here, for ex- 
ample, are the impressions of a recent visitor, the North 
American sociologist, Professor E. A. Ross. Landing 
at the port of Valparaiso, he is “struck by signs of 
English influence. On the commercial streets eveiy 
third man suggests the Briton, while a large proportion 
of the business people look as if they have their daily 
tub. The cleanliness of the streets, the freshness of 
the parks and squares, the dressing of the shop-win- 
dows, and the style of the mounted police remind one 
of England.” * As to the Nordic affinities of the upper 
dasses: “One sees it in stature, eye color, and ruddy 
complexion. . . . Among the pupils of Santiago Col- 
lege there are as many blonds as bnmets.”* Even 
among the peon or “roto” class, despite considerable 
Indian crossing, Professor Ross noted the strong Nordic 
strain, for he met Chilean peasants “whose stature, 
broad shoulders, big faces, and tawny mustaches pro- 

‘ Edward Alsworth Bow, “South of Panama,” pp. 97-98 (New 
York, 1914). 

* Ross, p. 109. 


claimed them as genuine Norsemen as the Icelanders in 
our Red River Valley.”^ 

Chile is thus the prime example of social stability 
and progress attained through white oligarchic rule. 
Other, though less successful, instances are to be noted 
in Peru, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Peru and Colom- 
bia, though geographically within the tropics, have ex- 
tensive temperate plateaux. Here numerous whites 
settled during the colonial period, forming an upper 
caste over a large Indian population. Unlike Chile, 
few Nordics came to leaven society with those qualities 
of constructive genius and racial self-respect which 
are the special birthright of Nordic man. Unlike 
Chile again, not only were there dense Indian masses, 
but there was also an appreciable negro element. 
Lastly, the number of mixed-bloods was very large. 
It is thus not surprising that for both Peru and Colom- 
bia the revolution ushered in a period of turmoil from 
which neither have even yet emerged. The whites 
have consistently fought among themselves, invoking 
the half-castes as auxiliaries and using Indians and 
negroes as their pawns. The whites are stiU the domi- 
nant element, but only the first families retain their 
pure blood, and miscegenation creeps upward with 
eveiy successive generation. As for Costa Rica, it is 
a tiny bit of cool hill-country, settled by whites in 
colonial times, and to-day rises an oasis of civiliza- 
tion, above the tropic jungle of degenerate, mongrel 
Central America. 

* Robb, p. 109. 


The second method of social stabilization in Latin 
America— Aryanization through wholesale European 
immigration — is exemplified by Argentina and Uru- 
guay. Neither of these lands had very promising be- 
ginnings. Their populations, at the revolution, con- 
tained strong Indian infusions and traces of negro 
blood, while after the revolution both fell under the 
sway of tyrannical dictators who persecuted the white 
aristocrats and favored miscegenation. However, Ar- 
gentina and Uruguay possessed two notable advan- 
tages: they were climatically white man’s country, 
and they at first contained a very small population. 
Since they produced neither gold nor tropical luxuries, 
Spain had neglected them, so that at the revolution 
they consisted of little more than the port-towns of 
Buenos Aires and Montevideo with a few dependent 
river-settlements. Their vast hinterlands of fertile 
prairie then harbored only wandering tribes of nomad 

During the last half of the nineteenth century, 
however, the development of ocean transport gave 
these antipodean prairies value as stock-raising and 
grain-growing sources for congested Emope, and Eu- 
rope promptly sent immigrants to supply her needs. 
Thits immigrant stream gradually swelled to a veritable 
deluge. TLe human tide was, on the whole, of sound 
stock, mostly Spaniards and north Italians, with some 
Nordic elements from northern Europe in the upper 
strata. Thus Europe locked antipodean America 
securely to the white werld. As for the colonial stock. 


it melted easily into the newer, kindred flood. Here 
and there signs of former miscegenation still show, 
the Argentine being sometimes, as Madison Grant well 
puts it, “suspiciously swarthy.” ^ Nevertheless, these 
are but vestigial traces which the ceaseless European 
inflow will ultimately eradicate. The large impending 
German immigration to Argentina and Uruguay should 
bring valuable Nordic elements. 

This same tide of European immigration has like- 
wise pretty well Aryanized the southern provinces of 
Brazil, adjacent to the Uruguayan border. Those 
provinces were neglected by Poi-tugal as Argentina and 
Uruguay were by Spain, and half a century ago they 
had a very sparse population. To-day they support 
millions of European immigrants, inostly Italians and 
European Portuguese, but with the further addition 
of nearly half a million Germans. Brazil is, in fact, 
evolving into two racially distinct communities. The 
southern provinces are white man’s countiy, with little 
Indian or negro blood, and with a distinct “color line.” 
The tropical north is saturated with Indian and negro 
strains, and the whites ai’e rapidly disappearing in a 
universal mongrelization. Ultimately this must pro- 
duce momentous political consequences. 

Beaiing in mind the exceptions above noted, let us 
now observe the vast tropical and semi-tropical bulk 
of Latin America. Here we find notable changes since 
colonial days. White predominance is substantially 

I Madison Grant, ^^The Passing of the Great Race/' p. 78i (2d 
edition, New York, 1918.) • 


a thin g of the past. Persons of unmixed SpanMi or 
Portuguese descent are relatively few, most of the 
so-called “whites” being i-eally riear-whites, more or 
less deeply tinged with colored bloods. It is a strik- 
ing token of white race-prestige that these near- 
whites, despite their degeneracy and ineflSciency, are 
yet the dominant clement; occupying, in fact, much 
the same status as the aristocratic Creoles immediately 
after the War of Independence. Nevertheless, the 
near-whites’ supremacy is now threatened. Eveiy 
decade of chronic anarchy favors the darker half- 
breeds, while below these, in turn, the Indian and 
negro full-bloods are beginning to stir, as in Mexico 

Most informed observers agree that the mixed- 
bloods of Latin America arc distinctly inferior to the 
whites. Tliis applies to both mestizos and mulattoes, 
albeit the mestizo (the cross between white and In- 
dian) seems less inferior than the mulatto — the cross 
between white and black. As for the zambo, the In- 
dian-negro cross, everybody is agreed that it is a very 
bad one. Analyses of these hybrid stocks show re- 
markable similarities to the mongrel chaos of the de- 
clining Roman Empire. Here is the judgment of 
Garcia-Calderon, a Peruvian scholar and generally 
considered the most authoritative writer on Latin 
America. “The racial question,” he writes, “is a 
vciy serious problem in American history. It explains 
the progress of certain peoples and the decadence of 
others, and it is the key to the incurable disorder which 



divides America. Upon it depend a great nximber of 
secondary phenomena; the public wealth, the indus- 
trial system, the stability of governments, the solidity 
of patriotism. . . . This complication of castes, this 
admixture of diverse bloods, has created many prob- 
lems. For example, is the formation of a national 
consciousness possible with such disparate elements? 
Would such heterogeneous democracies be able to resist 
the invasion of superior races? Finally, is the South 
American half-caste absolutely incapable of organiza- 
tion and cultm*e?”‘ While qualifying his answers to 
these queries, Garcia-Calderon yet deplores the half- 
caste’s “decadence.”^ “In the Iberian democracies,” 
he says, “an inferior Latinity, a Latinity of the de- 
cadence, prevails; verbal abimdance, inflated rhetoric, 
oratorical exaggeration, just as in Roman Spain. . . . 
The half-caste loves grace, verbal elegance, quibbles 
even, and artistic form; great passions and desires do 
not move liim. In religion he is sceptical, indifferent, 
and in politics he disputes in the Byzantine manner. 
No one could discover in him a trace of his Spanish 
forefather, stoical and adventurous.”® Garcia-Calde- 
ron therefore concludes: “The mixture of rival castes, 
Iberians, Indians, and negi’oes, has generally had dis- 
astrous consequences. . . . None of the conditions es- 
tablished by the French psychologists are realized by 
the Latm American democracies, and thch popula- 
tions are therefore degenerate. The lower castes strag- 
gle successfully against the traditional rales: the order 
* Garcia*Calderon, pp. 361-2. ^ /Wd, p. 287. ® Ibid., p. 360. 


which formerly existed is followed by moral anarchy; 
solid conviction by a superficial scepticism; and the 
Castilian tenacity by indecision. The black race is 
doing its work, and the continent is returning to its 
primitive barbarism.”* This melancholy fate 
according to Oarcia-Calderon, be averted only by 
wholesale white immigration; "In South America 
civilization is dependent upon the numerical predomi- 
nance of the victorious Spaniard, on the triumph of the 
white man over the mulatto, the negro, and the In- 
dian. Only a plentiful European immigration can re- 
establish the shattered equilibrium of the American 
races.” ® 

Garcia-Calderon’s pronoxmcements are echoed by 
foreign observers. During his South American travels 
Professor Ross noted the same melancholy symptoms 
and pointed out the same unique remedy. Speaking 
of Ecuador, he says: "I found no foreigners who have 
faith in the future of this people. They point out that 
while this was a Spaiiish colony there was a continual 
flow of immigrants from Spain, many of whom, no 
doubt, were men of force. Political separation inter- 
i-upted this current, and since then the country has 
really gone back. Spain had provided a ruling, or- 
ganizing element, and, with the cessation of the flow of 
Spaniards, the mixed-bloods took charge of things, 
for the pure-white element is so small as to be negligible. 
No one suggests that the mestizos equal the white 
stock either in intellect or in character. . . . Amoirg 

* Garck-Caldsron, pp. 361-2. • » Ibid., p. 362. 



the rougher foreigners and Peruvians the pet name for 
these people is ‘monkeys.’ The thoughtful often liken 
them to Eurasians, clever enough, but lacking in solid- 
ity of character. Natives and foreigners alike declare 
that a large white immigration is the only hope for 

Concerning Bolivia, Professor Ross writes: “The 
wisest sociologist in Bolivia told me that the zambo, 
resulting from the union of Indian with negro, is in- 
ferior to both the parent races, and that likewise 
the mestizo is inferior to both white and Indian in 
physical strength, resistance to disease, longevity, and 
brains. The failure of the South American republics 
has been due, he declares, to mestizo domination. 
Through the colonial period there was a flow of Span- 
iards to the colonies, and all the offices down to cane- 
gidar and cura were filled by white men. With in- 
dependence, the whites ceased coming, and the lower 
offices of state and chm’ch were filled with mestizos. 
Then, too, the first crossing of white with Indian 
gave a better result than the union between mestizos, 
so that the stock has imdergone progi’essive degenera- 
tion. The only thing, then, that can make these 
countries progress is a large white immigration, some- 
thing much talked about by statesmen in all these 
countries, but wliich has never materialized.”® 

These judgments refer particularly to Spanish Amer- 
ica. Regarding Portuguese Brazil, however, the ver- 
dict seems to be the same. Many years ago Professor 

‘ Ross, “South of Panama,” pp. 29^0. * Ross, p. 41. 


Agassiz wrote: “Let any one who doubts the evil of 
this mixtui’e of races, and is inclined from mistaken 
philanthropy to break down all barriers between them, 
come to Brazil. He caimot deny the deterioration con- 
sequent upon the amalgamation of races, more wide- 
spread here than in any country in the world, and which 
is rapidly effacing the best qualities of the white man, 
the negi-o, and the Indian, leaving a mongrel, nonde- 
script type, deficient in physical and mental energy. 

The mongrel’s political ascendancy produces pre- 
cisely the results which might have been expected. 
These unhappy beings, every cell of whose bodies is 
a battle-ground of jariing heredities, express their souls 
in acts of hectic violence and aimless instability. The 
normal state of tropical America is anarchy, restrained 
only by domestic tyrants or foreign masters. Garcia- 
Calderon exactly describes its psychology when he 
writes: “Precocious, sensual, impressionable, the Amer- 
icans of these vast territories devote their energies to 
local politics. Industry, commerce, and agriculture 
are in a state of decay, and the unruly im ag ina tion of 
the Creole expends itself in constitutions, programmes, 
and lyrical discourses; in these regions anarchy is 
sovereign mistress.”* The tropical republics display, 
indeed, a tendency toward “atomic disintegration, . . . 
Given to dreaming, they are led by presidents suffering 
from neurosis. ”3 

The stock featiue of the mongrel tropics is, of course, 
the “revolution.” These senseless and perennial 

* A. P, Schultz, ‘‘Race or Mongrel,” p. 155 (Boston, 1908). 

® GarciarCalderon, p. 222. 3 Ihid., p. 336. 



outbursts are often ridiculed in the United States as 
comic opera, but the grim truth of the matter is that 
few Latin American revolutions are laughing matters. 
The numbers of men engaged may not be very large 
accoiriing to our standards, but measured by the scanty 
populations of the countries concerned, they lay a 
heavy blood-tax on the suffering peoples. The tatter^- 
demalion “armies” may excite our mirth, but the 
battles are real enough, often fought out to the death 
with razor-edged machetes and rusty bayonets, and 
there is no more ghastly sight than a Latin American 
battle-field. The commandeerings, burnings, rapings, 
and assassinations inflicted upon the hapless civilian 
population cry to heaven. There is always wholesale 
destruction of property, frequently appalling loss of 
life, and a general paralysis of economic and social ac- 
tivity. These wretched lands have now been scourged 
by the revolutionary plague for a hundred years, and 
W. B. Hale does not overstate the consequences when 
he says: “Most of the countries clustering about the 
Caribbean have sunk into deeper and deeper mires 
of misrule, unmatched for profligacy and violence any- 
where on earth. Revolution follows revolution; one 
band of brigands succeeds another; atrocities revenge 
atrocities; the plundered people grow more and more 
abject in poverty and slavishness; vast natural re- 
sources lie neglected, while populations decrease, civili- 
zation recedes, and the jungle advances.” ‘ Of course, 
under these frightful circumstances, the national char- 

'W. B. Hale, “Our Danger in Central America,” WorUPs Work, 
August, 1912 . 


acter, weak enough at best, degenerates at an ever- 
quickening pace. Peaceful effort of any sort appears 
vain and ridiculous, and men are taught that wealth 
is procurable only by violence and extortion. 

Another important point should be noted. I have 
said that Latin American anarchy was restrained by 
dictatorship. But the reader must not infer that dic- 
tatorships are halcyon times — ^for the dictated. On the 
contraiy, they are usually only a trifle less wretched 
and demoralizing than times of revolution. The 
“caudiUos” are nearly always very sinister figures. 
Often they are ignorant brutes; oftener they are blood- 
thirsty, lecherous monstez-s; oftenest they are hziman 
spiders who suck the land dry of all fiuid wealth, bank- 
ing it abroad against the day when they shall fly before 
the revolutionaiy blast to the safe haven of Paris and 
the congenial debaucheries of Montmai-tre. The mil- 
lions amassed by tyrants like Castro of Venezuela and 
Zelaya of Nicaragua are almost beyond belief, considei-- 
ing the backward, bankrupt lands they have “ad- 

Yet how can it be otherwise? Consider Critch- 
field’s incisive account of a caudillo’s accession to 
power: “When an ignorant and brutal man, whose 
entire knowledge of the woild is confined to a few 
Indian villages, and whose total experience has been 
gained in the raising of cattle, doffs his alpagartes, 
and, machete in hand, cuts his way to power in a few 
weeks, with a savage horde at his back who know 
nothing of the amenities of civilization and care less 



than they know — ^when such a man comes to power, evil 
and evil only can result. Even if the new dictator were 
well-intentioned, his entire ignorance of law and con- 
stitutional forms, of commercial processes and manu- 
facturing arts, and of the fimdamental and necessary 
principles imderlying all stable and free governments, 
would render a successful administration by him ex- 
tremely difficult, if not impossible. But he is sur- 
rounded by all the elements of vice and flattery, and 
he is imbued with that vain and absurd egotism which 
makes men of small caliber imagine themselves to be 
Napoleons or Caesars. Thus do petty despotisms, un- 
restrained by constitutional provisions or by anjrthing 
like a virile public opinion, lead from absurdity to 
outrage and crime.” ^ 

Such is the situation in mongrel-ruled America: 
revolution breeding revolution, tyranny breeding t3rr- 
anny, and the twain combining to ruin their victims 
and force them ever deeper into the slough of degener- 
ate barbarism. The whites have lost their grip and are 
rapidly disappeaiing. The mixed-breeds have had 
their chance and have grotesquely failed. The oft- 
quoted panacea — ^white immigration — ^is under present 
conditions a vain dream, for white immigrants will not 
expose themselves (and still less their women) to the 
horrors of mongrel rule. So far, then, as internal fac- 
tors are concerned, anarchy seems destined to continue 

‘G. W. Critchfisld, “Amerioan Supremacy,” voL I, p. 277 (New 
York, 1908). • 


In fact, new conflicts loom on the horizon. The 
Indian masses, so docile to the genuine white man, be- 
gin to stir. The aureole of white prestige has been 
besmirched by the near-whites and half-castes who have 
traded so recklessly upon its sanctions. Strong in the 
poise of normal heredity, the Indian full-blood com- 
mences to despise these chaotic masters who turn his 
homelands into bear-gardens and witches’ sabbaths. 
An “Indianista” movement is to-day on foot through- 
out mongrel-ruled America. It is most pronounced 
in Mexico, whose interminable agony becomes more and 
more a war of Indian resurgence, but it is also starting 
along the west coast of South America. Long ago, wise 
old Professor Pearson saw how the wind was blowing. 
Noting how whites and near-whites were “everywhere 
fighting and intriguing for the spoils of office,” he also 
noted that the Indian masses, though relatively passive 
and “seemingly unobservant,” were yet “conquering 
a place for themselves in other ways than by incieas- 
ing and multiplying,” and he concluded: “the general 
level of the autochthonous race is being raised; it is 
acquiring riches and self-respect, and must sooner or 
later get the country back into its hands.” ^ Recent 
visitors to the South American west coast note the signs 
of Indian unrest. Some years ago Lord Biyce re- 
marked of Bolivia: “There have been Indian risings, 
and firearms are more largely in their hands than for- 
merly. They so preponderate in numbers that any 
movement which united them against the upper class 

‘ Pearsc^i, op, dt,, p. 60. 



might, could they find a leader, have serious conse- 
quences.” * Still more recently Professor Ross wrote 
concerning Peru: “In Cuzco I met a gentleman of 
education and travel who is said to be the only living 
lineal descendant of the Incas. He has great influence 
with the native element and voices their bitterness and 
their aspirations. He declares that the politics of 
Peru is a struggle between the Spanish mestizos of 
Lima and the coast and the natives of Cuzco and the 
interior, and predicts an uprising imless Cuzco is made 
the capital of the nation. He even dreams of a Kechua 
republic, with Cuzco as its capital and the United 
States its guarantor, as she is guarantor of the Cuban 
republic.”* And of Bolivia, Professor Ross writes: 
“Lately there has been a general movement of the 
Bolivian Indians for the recovery of the lands of which 
they have been robbed piecemeal. Conflicts have 
broken out and, although the government has punished 
the ringleaders, there is a feeling that, so long as the 
exploiting of the Indian goes on, Bolivians are living 
‘in the crater of a slumbering volcano.’”® 

Since the white man has gone and the Indian is pre- 
paring to wrest the sceptre of authority from the mon- 
grel’s worthless hands, let us e.xaminc this Indian race, 
to see what potentiality it possesses of restoring order 
and initiating progi-ess. 

To begin with, there can be no doubt that the Indian 
is superior to the negro. The negro, even when quick- 

Tames Bryce, South America,*’ p. 181 (London, 1912). 
* Ross, op. cit.j p. 74. • ® Ross, p. 89. 


ened by foreign influences, never built up anything ap- 
proaching a real civilization; whereas the Indian, 
though entirely sundered from the rest of mankind, 
evolved genuine polities and cultures like the Aztec 
of Mexico, the Inca of Peru, and the Maya of Yucatan. 
The Indian thus possesses creative capacity to an ap- 
preciable degree. However, that degree seems strictly 
limited. The researches of archaeologists have sadly 
discounted the glowing tales of the Conquistadores, and 
the “Empires” of Mexico and Pcm, though far from 
contemptible, certainly rank well below the achieve- 
ments of European and Asiatic races in mediaeval and 
even in classic times. 

The Indian possesses notable stability and poise, 
but the very intensity of these qualities fetters his 
progress and renders questionable his ability to rise 
to the modem plane. His conservatism is immense. 
With incredible tenacity he clings to his ancestral 
ways and exhibits a dull indifference to alien innova- 
tion. Of course the Indian sub-races differ con- 
siderably among themselves, but the same ftmda- 
mentaJ tendencies are visible in all of them. Says 
Professor Ellsworth Huntington: “The Indians are 
very backwai’d. They are dull of mind and slow to 
adopt new ideas. Perhaps in the future they will 
change, but the fact that they have been influenced so 
little by four hundred years of contact with the white 
man does not afford much ground for hope. Judging 
from the past, there is no reason to think that their 
character is likely to change for many generations. . • • 


Those who dwell permanently in the white man’s 
cities are influenced somewhat, but here as in other 
cases the general tendency seems to be to revert to the 
original condition as soon as the fecial impetus of 
immediate contact with the white man is removed.”* 
And Lord Bryce writes in similar vein: “With plenty 
of stability, they lack initiative. They make steady 
soldiers, and fight well under white or mestizo leaders, 
but one seldom hears of a pime Indian accomplishing 
anything or rising cither through war or politics, or in 
any profession, above the level of his class. . . 

The truth about the Indian seems to be substan- 
tially this: Left alone, he would probably have con- 
tinued to progress, albeit much more slowly than either 
white or Asiatic peoples. But the Indian was not left 
alone. On the contrary, he was suddenly felled by 
brutal and fanatical conqueror’s, who uprooted his 
native culture and plunged him into abject servitude. 
The Indian’s spiritual past was shorn away and his 
evolution was perverted. Prevented from develop- 
ing along his owrr lines, and constitutionally incapable 
of adapting himself to the ways of his Spanish con- 
querors, the Indian vegetated, learnirrg nothiirg and 
forgettirrg much that he knew. This has continued for 
four hundred years. Is it not likely that his ancestral 
aptitudes have atrophied or decayed? Slavery and 
mental sloth have indeed scan-ed him with their fell 

^Ellsworth Huntington, “The Adaptability of the White Man to 
Tropical America , Journal of Race Developmentf October, 1914. 

® Bryce, op. cit., p. 181. • 


stigmata. Says Garcia-Calderon: "Without sufficient 
food, without hygiene, a distracted and laborious beast, 
he decays and perishes; to forget the misery of his 
daily lot he drinks, becomes an alcoholic, and his 
munerous progeny present the characteristics of de- 

Furthermore, the Indian degenerates from another 
cause — ^mongrelization. Miscegenation is a dual proc- 
ess. It works upward and downward at one and the 
same time. In Latin America hybridization has been 
prodigious, the hybrids to-day numbering millions. 
In some regions, as in Venezuela and parts of Central 
America, there arc very few full-blooded Indians left, 
hybrids forming practically the entire population. 
Now, on the whole, the white or "mestizo” crossing 
seems hurtful to the Indian, for what he gains in intelli- 
gence he more than loses in character. But the mestizo 
crossing is not the worst. There is another, much 
graver, racial danger. The hot coastlands swarm with 
negroes, and the zambo or negro-indian is universally 
adjudged the worst of matings. Thus, for the Indian, 
white blood appears harmful, while black blood is 
absolutely fatal. Yet the mongrelizing tide sweeps 
steadily on. The Indian draws no "color line,” and 
continually impaim the purity of his blood and the 
poise of his heredity. 

Bearing all the above facts in mind, can we believe 
the Indian capable of drawing mongrel-ruled America 
from its slough of despond ? Can he set it on the path 
‘ GarcU^alderon, p. 854. 


of orderly progress? It does not seem possible. As- 
suming for the sake of argument complete freedom from 
foreign intervention, the Indian might in time displace 
his mongrel rulers — ^provided he himself were not also 
mongreUzed. But the present “Indianista” movement 
is not a sign of Indian political eflBiciency; not the har- 
binger of an Indian “renaissance.” It is the instinc- 
tive turning of the harried beast on his tormentor. 
Maddened by the cruel vagaries of mongrel rule and 
increasingly conscious of the mongrel’s innate worth- 
lessness, the Indian at last bares his teeth. Under 
civilized white tutelage the “Indianista” movement 
would have been practically inconceivable. 

However, guesses as to the final outcome of an In- 
dian-mongrel conflict are academic speculation, be- 
cause mongrel America will not be left to itself. Mon- 
grel America cannot stand alone. Indeed, it never has 
stood alone, for it has always been bolstered up by the 
Monroe Doctrine. But for oui’ protection, outside 
forces would have long since rushed into this political 
and economic vacuum, and every omen to-day denotes 
that this vacuum, like all others, will presently be filled. 
A world close packed as never before will not tolerate 
countries that are a torment to themselves and a 
dangerous nuisance to their neighbors. A world half 
bankrupt will not allow vast soui'ces of potential wealth 
to he in hands which idle or misuse. Thus it is prac- 
tically certain that mongrel America will presently 
pass under foreign tutelage. Exactly how, is not yet 
clear. It may be done by the United States alone, 


or, what is more probable, in “Pan-American” co- 
operation with the lusty young white nations of the 
antipodean south. It may be done by an even larger 
combination, including some European states. After 
all, the details of such action do not lie within the scope 
of this book, since they fall exclusively within the white 
man's sphere of activity. 

There is, however, another dynamic which might 
transform mongrel America. This dynamic is yellow 
Asia. The Far East teems with virile and laborious 
life. It thrills to novel ambitions and desires. Avid 
with the urge of swarming myriads, it hungrily seeks 
outlets for its superabundant vitality. We have 
already seen how the Mongolian has earmarked the 
whole Far East foi‘ his own, and in sul)scquent pages 
W'e shall see how he also beats restlessly against the 
white world’s I’ace-fronticra. But mongrel America! 
What other field offej-s such tempting possibilities for 
Mongolian race-expansion? Vast regions of incal- 
culable, unc.xploited wealth, spai’scly inhabited by 
stagnant populations cui'sed with anarchy and feeble 
from miscegenation — ^how could such lands resist the 
onslaught of tenacious and indomitable millions? The 
answer is self-evident. They could not resist ; and such 
an invasion, once l)egun, would be consununated with 
a celerity and thoroughness perhaps uue.xampled in 
human histoiy. 

Now the yellow world is alive to this momentous 
possibility. Japan, in particular, has glimpsed in 
Latin America precious* avenues to that racial expan- 


sion which is the key-note of Japanese foreign poKcy. 
For years Japanese statesmen and publicists have 
busied themselves with the problem. The Chinese 
had, in fact, already pointed the way, for during the 
later decades of the nineteenth century Chinamen 
frequented Latin America’s Pacific coast, economically 
vanquishing the natives with ease, and settling in 
Peru in such numbers that the alarmed Peruvians 
hastily stopped the inflow by drastic exclusion acts. 
The successes of these Chinese pioneeis, humble coolies 
entirely without oflicial backing, have fired the Japanese 
imagination. The Japanese press has long discussed 
Latin America in optimistic vein. Count Okuma is a 
good exemplar of these Japanese aspirations. Some 
years ago he told the American sociologist Professor 
Ross: “South America, especially the northern part, 
will furnish ample room for our surplus.”* To his fel- 
low countrymen Comit Okuma was still more specific. 
In 1907 he stated in the Tokio Economist that the 
Japanese were to overspread the earth like a cloud of 
locusts, alighting on the North American coasts, and 
swarming into Central and South America. Count 
Okuma expressed a strong preference for Latin Ameri- 
can countries as fields for Japanese immigi-ation, be- 
cause most of them were “much easier to include within 
the sphere of influence of Japan in the future.”® 

And the Japanese have supplemented words with • 
deeds. Especially since 1914, Japanese activity in 

* Rosa, p. 90. 

* The American Review of November, 1907, p. 622. 


Latin America has been ubiquitous and striking. The 
west coast of South America, in particular, is to-day 
flooded with Japanese goods, merchants, commerci^ 
missions, and financial agents seeking concessions of 
every kind. Our State Department has had to exer- 
cise special vigilance concerning Japanese concession- 
hunting in Mexico. 

Japan’s present activity is of course mere recon- 
noitring — ^testings and mappings of terrain for possible 
later action on a more extensive scale. One thing 
alone gives Japan pause — our veto. Japan knows 
that real aggression against our southern neighbors 
would spell war with the United States. Japan does 
not contemplate war with us at present. She has many 
fish to fry in the Far East. So in Latin America she 
plays safe. But she bides her time. In Latin America 
itself she has friends — even partisans. Japan seeks to 
mobilize to her profit that distrust of the “Yanqui” 
which permeates Latin America. The half-castes, in 
particular, rage at our “color line” and see in the 
United States the Nemesis of their anarchic misrule. 
They flout the Monroe Doctrine, caress dreams of 
Japanese aid, and welcome Nippon’s pose as the cham- 
pion of color throughout the world. 

Japanese activities in Mexico are of especial inter- 
est. Here Japan has three strong strings to her bow: 
(1) patriotic dislike of the United States; (2) mestizo 
hatred of the white “gringo”; (3) the Indianista move- 
ment. In Mexico the past decade of revolutionary 
turmoil has developed ipto a complicated race-war of 


the mestizos against the white or near-white upper 
class and of the Indian full-bloods against both whites 
and mestizos. The one bond of union is dislike of the 
gringo, which often rises to fanatical hatred. Our 
war against Mexico in 1847 has never been forgotten, 
and many Mexicans cherish hopes of revenge and even 
aspire to recover the territories then ceded to us. Dur- 
ing the early stages of the European War oiu* military 
unpreparedness and apparent pacifism actually em- 
boldened some Mexican hotheads to concoct the 
notorious “Plan of San Diego.” The conspirators 
plotted to rouse the Mexican population of our southern 
border, sow disaffection among our Southern negroes, 
and explode the mine at the psychological moment 
by means of a “Reconquering Equitable Army” in- 
vading Texas. Our whole Southwest was to be re- 
joined to Mexico, while our Southern States were to 
form a black republic. The projected war was con- 
ceived strictly in terms of race, the reconquering equita- 
ble army to be composed solely of “Latins,” negroes, 
and Japanese. The racial results were to be decisive, 
for the entire white population of both om* South and 
Southwest was to be pitilessly massacred. Of course 
the plot completely miscarried, and sporadic attempts 
to invade Texas during 1915 were easily repulsed. 

Nevertheless, this incident reveals the trend of many 
Mexican minds. The framers of the “Plan of San 
Diego” were not ignorant peons, but persons of some 
standing. The outrages and tortures inflicted upon 
numerous Americans in Me^co during recent years 


are further indications of that wide-spread hatred 
which expresses itself in \dtriolic outbursts like the 
following editorial of a Mexican provincial paper, 
wiitten during our chase after the bandit Villa in 1916: 
“Above all, do not forget that at a time of national 
need, humanity is a crime and frightfulncss is a virtue. 
Pull out eyes, snatch out hearts, tear open breasts, 
drink — if you can — the blood in the skiills of the in- 
vadeis from the cities of Yankeeland. In defense 
of liberty be a Nero, be a Caligula — ^that is to be a 
good patriot. Peace between Mexico and the United 
States will be closed in throes of terror and barbar- 
ism.” ‘ 

All this is naturally grist for the Japanese mill. 
Especially interesting ai’o Japanese attempts to play 
upon Mexican Indianista sentiment. Japanese writers 
point out physical and cultural similarities between 
the Mexican native races and themselves, deducing 
therefrom innate racial affinities springing from the 
remote and forgotten past. All possible sympathetic 
changes were rung during the diplomatic mission of 
Senor de la Barra to Japan at the beginning of 1914. 
His reception in Tokio was a memorable event. Senor 
de la Barra was greeted by cheering multitudes, and 
on every occasion the manifold bonds between the 
two peoples were emphasized. Tliis of course occurred 
before the European War. During the war Japanese- 

'The newspaper was La Reforma of Saltillo. The editorial was 
quoted in an Associated Press despatch dated El Paso, Texas, June 26, 
1916. The despatch mention.s La Rejorma as “a semi-official paper.’^ 



Mexican relations remained amicable. So far as of- 
ficial evidence goes, the Japanese Government has 
never entered into any understandings with the Mex- 
ican Government, though some Mexicans have hinted 
at a secret agreement, and one Mexican writer, Gu- 
tierrez de Lara, asserts that in 1912 Francisco Madero, 
then President, “threw himself into the arms of Japan,” 
and goes on; “We arc well aware of the importance of 
this statement and of its tremendous international 
significance, but wo make it deliberately with full con- 
fidence in our authority. Not only did Madero enlist 
the ardent support of the South American republics 
in the cause of Mexico’s inviolabilitj'^, but he entered 
into negotiations with the Japanese minister in Mexico 
City for a close offensive and defensive alliance with 
Japan to checkmate United States aggression. When 
during the fateful twelve days’ battle in Mexico City 
a rumor of American intervention, more alarming 
than usual, was communicated to Madero, he remarked 
coldly that he was thoroughly anxious for that inter- 
vention, for he was confident of the siiiprise the Amer- 
ican Government wmuld receive in discovering that 
they had to deal with Japan.” * 

But, after all, an official Japanese-Mexican under- 
standing is not the fundamental issue. The really 
significant thing is IMcxican popular antagonism to 
the United States, wffiich is so wide-spread that Japan 
could in a crisis probably count on Mexican benevolent 

'Gutierrez de Lara, “The Mcxiciin People; Their Struggle for 
Freedom” (Now York, 1914). • 


neutrality if not on Mexican support. The present 
Carranza government of Mexico is of course notori- 
ously anti-American. Its consistent policy, notably 
revealed in its complaisance toward Germany and its 
intrigues with other anti-American regimes like those 
of Colombia and Venezuela, makes Mexico the centre 
of anti-Americanism in Latin America. As for the 
numerous Japanese residents in Mexico, they have 
lost no opportunity to abet this attitude. Here, for 
instance, is the text of a manifesto signed by prominent 
members of the Japanese colony during the Ammcan- 
Mexican crisis of 1916: “Japanese: Mexico is a friendly 
nation. Our commercial bonds with her are great. 
She is, like us, a nation of heroes who will never con- 
sent to the world-domination of a hard and brutal 
race, as are the Yankees. Wc cannot abandon Mexico 
in her struggle against a nation supposedly stronger. 
The Mexicans know how to defend themselves, but 
there is lacking aid which we can frrrnish. If the Yan- 
kees invade Mexico, if they seize the California coasts, 
Japanese commerce and the Japanese navy will face 
a grave peril. The Yankees believe us impotent be- 
cause of the European War, and we will be expelled 
from American soil and our children from American 
schools. We will aid the Mexicans. We will aid Mexico 
against Yankee rapacity. This great and beautiful 
country is a victim of Yankee hatred toward Japan. 
Our indifference would be a lack of patriotism, since 
the Yankees already are against us and oirr divine 
Emperor. They have seized Hawaii, they have seized 



the Philippine Islands, near oxn* coasts, and are now 
about to crush under foot our friend and possible ally, 
and injure our commerce and imperil our naval 

The fact is that Latin America’s attitude tow’ard 
the yellow world tends everywhere to crystallize along 
race lines. The half-castes, naturally hostile to the 
United States, see in Japan a welcome offset to the 
“Colossus of the North.” The self-conscious Indian- 
ista elements likewise heed Japanese suggestions of 
ethnic affinity. On the other hand, the whites and 
near-whites instinctively react against Japanese ad- 
vances. Even those who have no love for the Yankee 
see in the Mongolian the greatest of perils. Garcia- 
Calderon typifies this point of view. He dreads our 
imperialistic tendencies, yet he reproves those Latin 
Americans who, in a Japanese-American clash, would 
favor Japan. “Victorious,” he writes, “the Japanese 
would invade Western America and convert the Pacific 
into a vast closed sea, closed to foreign ambitions, 
rmre nostrum, peopled with Japanese colonies. The 
Japanese hegemony would not be a mere change of 
tutelage for the nations of America. In spite of essen- 
tial differences, the Latins oversea have certain com- 
mon ties with the people of the (United) States: a 
long-established religion, Christianity, and a coherent, 
European, Occidental civilization. Perhaps there is 
some obscure fratenuty between the Japanese and 
the American Indians, between the yellow men of 

* The LUerary Digest^ Septei!hber 16, 1916, p. 662. 


Nippon and the copper-colored Quechuas, a disciplined 
and sober people. But the ruling race, the dominant 
type of Spanish origin, which imposes the civilization 
of the white man upon America, is hostile to the entire 
invading East.”* 

White men throughout Latin America generally 
echo these sentiments. Chile and Argentina repulse 
Oriental immigration, and the white oligarchs of Peru 
dread keenly Japanese designs directed so specifically 
against their country. Very recently a Peruvian, 
Doctor Jorge M. Corbacho,® wrote most bitterly about 
the Japanese infiltration into Peru and adjacent Bo- 
livia, while some yeai-s ago Senor Augustin Edwards, 
owner of the leading Chilean periodical, El Mercurio, 
denounced Count Okuma’s menaces and called for a 
Pan-iVmcrican rampart against Asia from Behring 
Strait to Cape Horn. “Japanese immigration,” as- 
serted Senor Edwards, “must be firmly opposed, not 
only in South America, but in the whole American con- 
tinent. The same remark applies to Chinese immigra- 
tion. ... In short, these threats of Okuma should 
induce the nations of South America to adopt the Mon- 
roe Doctrine — ^an invincible weapon against the plans 
and intentions of that ‘Empire of the Orient,’ which 
has so lately risen up to new life, and already mani- 
fests so dire a greed of conquest.”® From Central 
America similar voices arise. A Salvadorean writer 

^ Garcia-Ciilderon, pp. 329-330. 

* Despatch to La Frensa (New York), December 13, 1919. 

* The American Review of \ieviewSt November, 1907, p. 623. 



ui^res poKtical federation with the United States as 
the sole refuge against the “Yellow Peril/' to avoid 
becoming “slaves and utterly insignificant”/ and a 
well-known Nicaraguan politician, Senor Moncada,* 
writes in similar vein. 

The momentous implications of Mongolian pressure 
upon Latin America are admirably described by Pro- 
fessor Ross. “Provided that no barrier be interposed 
to the inflow from man-stifled Asia,” he says, “it is 
well within the bounds of probability that by the close 
of this century South America will be the home of 
twenty or thirty millions of Orientals and descendants 
of Orientals. . . . But Asiatic immigration of such 
volume would change profoundly the destiny of South 
America. For one thing, it would forestall and frus- 
trate that great immigration of Europeans which South 
American statesmen are counting on to relieve their 
countries from mestizo unprogressiveness and misgov- 
eniment. The white race would withhold its increase 
orlook elsewhere for outlets; for those with the higher 
standard of comfort always shun competition with 
those of a lower standard. Again, large areas of South 
America might cease to be parts of Chiistendom. Some 
of the republics there might come to be as dependent 
upon Asiatic Powers as the Cuban republic is depen- 
dent upon the United States.”* 

Very pertinent is Professor Ross’s warning as to 

^ The Literary Digest ^ December 30, 1911, p. 1222. 

M. Moncada, Social and Political Influences of the United 
States in Central America” (New York. 1911). 

* Ross, pp. 91-92. 


the fate of the Indian population — ^a warning which 
Indianista believers in Japanese “affinity” should 
seriously take to heart. Whatever might be the lot 
of the Latin American whites, Professor Ross points 
out that “an Asiatic influx would seal the doom of 
the Indian element in these coimtries. . • . The In- 
dians could make no effective economic stand against 
the wide-awake, resourceful, and aggressive Japanese 
or Chinese. The Oriental immigrants could beat the 
Indians at every point, block eveiy path upward, and 
even turn them out of most of their present employ- 
ments. In great part the Indians would become a 
cringing sudra caste, tilling the poorer lands and con- 
fined to the menial or repulsive occupations. FUled 
with despair, and abandoning themselves even more 
than they do now to pisco and coca, they would shrivel 
into a numerically negligible element in the popula- 

Such are the underlying factors in the Latin Ameri- 
can situation. Once more we see the essential instabil- 
ity of mere political phenomena. Once more we see 
the supreme importance of race. No conquest could 
have been completer than that of the Spaniards four 
centuries ago. The Indians were helpless as sheep 
before the mail-clad Conquistadores. And military 
conquest was succeeded by complete political domina- 
tion. The Indian even lost his cultural heritage, and 
became a passive tool in the hands of his white mas- 
‘ Rosg, pp. 92-93. 


ten. But the Spaniard did not seal his title-deed with 
the indelible signet of race. Indian blood remained 
numerically predominant, and the conqueror further 
weakened his tenure by bringing in black blood — the 
most irreducible of ethnic factors. The inflow of white 
blood was small, and much of what did come lost it- 
self iu the dismal swamp of miscegenation. Lastly, 
the whites quarrelled among themselves. 

The result was inevitable. The colonial whites 
trixunphed only by aid of the half-castes, who promptly 
claimed their reward. A fresh struggle ensued, ending 
(save in the antipodean regions) in the triumph of the 
half-castes. But these, in turn, had called in the 
Indians and negroes. Furthermore, the half-castes 
recklessly squandered the white political heritage. So 
the colored full-bloods stirred in their turn, and a new 
movement began which, if allowed to run its natural 
course, might result in complete de-Aiyanization. In 
other words, the white race has been going back, and 
Latin America has been getting more Indian and 
negro for the past hundred years. 

This cycle, however, now nears its end. Latin 
America will be neither red nor black. It will ulti- 
mately be either white or yellow. The Indian is pat- 
ently unable to construct a progressive civilization. 
As for the negro, he has proved as incapable in the New 
World as in the Old. Ever 3 rwhere his presence has 
spdled regression, and his one New World field of 
triumph— Haiti— has resulted in an abysmal plunge 


to the jimgle-level of Guinea and the Congo. Thus 
is created a political vacuum. And this vacuum 
unerring nature makes ready to fill. 

The Latin American situation is, indeed, akin to 
that of Africa. Latin America, like Africa, cannot 
stand alone. An inexorable dilemma impends: white 
or yellow. The white man has been first m the field 
and holds the central colored zone between two strong 
bases, north and south, where his tenure is the unim- 
peachable title of race. The yellow man has to con- 
quer every step, though he has already acquired foot- 
holds and has behind him the welling reservoirs of 
Asia. Nevertheless, white victoiy in Latin America 
is sure — ^if internecine discord does not rob the white 
world of its strength. In Latin America, as in Africa, 
therefore, the whites must stand fast — and stand to- 

PART 11 



The world-wide expansion of the white race during 
the four centuries between 1500 and 1900 is the most 
prodigious phenomenon in all recorded history. In 
my opening pages I sketched both the magnitude of 
this expansion and its ethnic and political implications. 
I there showed that the white stocks together consti- 
tute the most numerous single branch of the human 
species, nearly one-third of all the human souls on 
earth to-day being whites. I also showed that white 
men racially occupy four-tenths of the entire habitable 
land-area of the globe, while nearly nine-tenths of this 
area is xmder white political control. Such a situation 
is imprecedented. Never before has a race acquired 
such combined preponderance of numbers and do- 

This white expansion becomes doubly interesting 
when we realize how sudden was its inception and how 
rapid its evolution. A single decade before the voyage 
of Columbus, he would have been a bold prophet who 
should have predicted this high destiny. At the close 
of the fifteenth century the white race was confined to 
western and central Europe, together with Scandinavia 
and the northwestern parts of European Russia. The 
total white race-area was then not much over 2,000,000 



square miles — ^barely one-tenth its area to-day. And 
in numbers the proportion was almost as unfavorable. 
At that moment (say, A. D. 1480) England could muster 
only about 2,000,000 inhabitants, the entire population 
of the British Isles not much exceeding 3,000,000 souls. 
To be sure, the continent was relatively better peopled. 
Still, the population of Europe in 1480 was probably 
not one-sixth that of 1914. 

Furthermore, population had dwindled notably in 
the preceding one hundred and fifty years. During 
the fourteenth century Europe had been hideously 
scourged by the “Black Death” (bubonic plague), 
which carried off fully one-half of its inhabitants, while 
thereafter a scries of great wars had destroyed immense 
numbers of people. These losses had not been repaired. 
Mediaeval society was a static, equilibrated affair, 
which did not favor rapid human multiplication. In 
fact, European life had been intensive and recessive 
ever since the fall of the Roman Empire a thousand 
years before. Europe’s one mediaeval attempt at 
expansion (the Crusades) had utterly failed. In fact, 
far from expanding, white Europe had been continu- 
ously assailed by brown and yellow Asia, Beginning 
with the Huns in the last days of Rome, continuing 
with the Arabs, and ending with the Mongols and Otto- 
man Turks, Europe had imdergone a millennium of 
Asiatic aggression; and though Europe had substan- 
tially maintained its freedom, many of its outlying 
inarches had fallen under Asiatic domination. In 
1480, for example, the Turk was marching triumphantly 


across southeastern Europe, embryonic Russia was a 
Tartar dependency, while the Moor still clung to 
southern Spain. 

The outlook for the white race at the close of the 
fifteenth century thus seemed gloomy rather than 
bright. With a stationary or declining population, 
exposed to the assaults of powerful external foes, and 
racked by internal pains betokening the demise of the 
mediajval order, white Europe’s future appeared a 
far from happy one. 

Suddenly, in two short years, aU was changed. In 
1492 Columbus discovered America, and in 1494 Vasco 
da Gama, doubling Africa, formd the way to India. 
The effect of these discoveries cannot be overestimated. 
We can hardly conceive how our mediaeval forefathers 
viewed the ocean. To them the ocean was a numbing, 
constricting presence; the abode of darkness and horror. 
No wonder mediaeval Europe was static, since it faced 
on ruthless, aggressive Asia, and backed on nowhere. 
Then, in the twinkling of an eye, dead-end Europe be- 
came mistress of the ocean — ^and thereby mistress of the 

No such strategical opportunity had, in fact, ever 
been vouchsafed. From classic times down to the 
end of the fifteenth centiuy, white Europe had con- 
fronted only the most martial and enterprising of 
Asiatics. With such peoples war and trade had alike 
to be conducted on practically equal terms, and by 
frontal assault no decisive victory could be won. 
But, after the great discoveijes, the white man could 


flank his old opponents. Whole new worlds peopled 
by primitive races were unmasked, where the white 
man’s weapons made victory certain, and whence he 
could draw stores of wealth to quicken his home life 
and initiate a progress that would soon place him im- 
measurably above his once-dreaded assailants. 

And the white man proved worthy of his opportunity. 
His inherent racial aptitudes had been stimulated by 
his past. The hard conditions of mediseval life had 
disciplined him to advereity and had weeded him by 
natmal selection. The hammer of Asiatic invasion, 
clanging for a thousand years on the brown-yellow 
anvil, had tempered the iron of Europe into the finest 
steel. The white man could think, could create, could 
fight superlatively well. No wonder that redskins and 
negroes feared and adorcd him as a god, while the 
somnolent races of the Fai-ther East, stunned by this 
strange apparition rising from the pathless ocean, 
offered no effective opposition. 

Thus began the swarming of the whites, like bies 
from the hive, to the uttermost ends of the earth. 
And, in return, Europe was quickened to intenser 
vitality. Goods, tools, ideas, men: all were produced 
at an unprecedented rate. So, by action and reaction, 
white progress grew by leaps and bounds. The Span- 
ish and Portuguese pioneers presently showed signs of 
lassitude, but the northern nations — even more vigor- 
ous and audacious — ^instantly sprang to the front and 
carried forward the proud oriflamme of white expan- 
sion and world-dominion. For four hxmdred years 



the pace never slackened, and at the close of the nine- 
teenth centmy the white man stood the indubitable 
master of the world. 

Now four himdred years of unbroken triumph nat- 
urally bred in the white race an instinctive belief that 
its expansion would continue indefinitely, leading 
automatically to ever higher and more splendid desti- 
nies. Before the Russo-Japanese War of 1904 the 
thought that white expansion could be stayed, much 
less reversed, never entered the head of one white man 
in a thousand. Why should it, since centimes of ex- 
perience had taught the exact contrary? The settle- 
ment of America, Australasia, and Siberia, where the 
few colored aborigines vanished like smoke before the 
white advance; the conquest of brown Asia and the 
partition of Africa, where colored millions bowed with 
only sporadic resistance to mere handfuls of whites; 
both sets of phenomena combined to persuade the white 
man that he was invincible, and that the colored types 
WoEfld everywhere give way before him and his civiliza- 
tion. The continued existence of dense colored popu- 
lations in the tropics was ascribed to climate; and even 
in the tropics it was assumed that whites would luii- 
versally form a governing caste, directing by virtue 
of liigher intelligence and more resolute will, and exploit- 
ing natui'al resources to the incalculable profit of the 
whole white race. Indeed, some persons believed that 
the tropics would become available for white settlement 
as soon as science had mastered tropical diseases and 
kad prescribed an adequate hygiene. 


This uncritical optimism, suggested by experience, 
was fortified by ill-assimilated knowledge. Diuing 
the closing decades of the past century, not only were 
biology and economics less advanced than to-day, but 
they were also infinitely less widely understood, exact 
knowledge being confined to academic circles. The 
general public had only a vulgarized smattering, mostly 
crystallizing about catchwords into which men read 
their prepossessions and their prejudices. For in- 
stance: biologists had recently formulated the law of 
the “ Survival of the Fittest.” This soimded very well. 
Accordingly, the public, in conformity with the pre- 
vailing optimism, promptly interpreted “fittest” as 
synonymous with “best,” in utter disregard of the 
grim truth that by “fittest” nature denotes only the 
type best adapted to existing conditions of environ- 
ment, and that if the environment favors a low type, 
this low type (unless humanly prevented) will win, re- 
gardless of all other considerations. So again with 
economics. A generation ago relatively few persons 
realized that low-standard men would drive out high- 
standard men as inevitably as bad money drives out 
good, no matter what the results to society and the 
futiu'e of mankind. These are but two instances of 
that shallow, cock-sure nineteenth-centuiy optimism, 
based upon ignorance and destined to be so swiftly 
and tragically disillusioned. 

However, for the moment, ignorance was bliss. Ac- 
cordin^y, the fin de sikle white world, having parti- 
tioned Africa and fairly ' well dominated brown Asiar 


prepared to extend its sway over the one portion of 
the colored world which had hitherto escaped subjec- 
tion — ^the yellow Far East. Men began speaking 
glibly of “manifest destiny” or piously of “the white 
man’s burden.” European publicists wrote didacti- 
cally on “the break-up of China,” while Russia, be- 
striding Siberia, dipped behemoth paws in Pacific 
waters and eyed Japan. 

Such was the white world’s confident, aggressive 
temper at the close of the last century. To be sure, 
voices were occasionally raised warning that all was 
not well. Such were the writings of Professor Pearson 
and Meredith Townsend. But the white world gave 
these Cassandras the reception always accorded proph- 
ets of evil in joyous times — it ignored them or laughed 
them to scorn. In fact, few of the prophets displayed 
Pearson’s immediate certainty. Most of them quali- 
fied their prophecies with the comforting assurance that 
the ills predicted were relatively remote. 

Meredith Townsend is a good case in point. The 
reader may recall his prophecy of white expulsion from 
Asia, quoted in my second chapter.^ That prophecy 
occurs in the preface to the fourth edition, published 
in 1911, and written in the light of the Russo-Japanese 
War. Now, of course, Mr. Townsend’s main thesis — 
Europe’s inability permanently to master and assimi- 
late Asia — ^had been elaborated by him long before the 
close of the nineteenth cen,tury. Nevertheless, the 
preface to the fourth edition speaks of Europe’s failure 



to conquer Asia as absolute and eviction from present 
holdings as probable within a relatively short time; 
whereas, in his original introduction, written in 1899, 
he foresaw a great European assault upon Asia, which 
would probably succeed and from which Asia would 
shake itself free only after the lapse of more than a 

In fact, Mr. Townsend's words of 1899 so exactly 
portray white confidence at that moment that I cannot 
do better than quote him. His object in publishing his 
book is, he says, “to make Asia stand out clearer in 
English eyes, because it is evident to me that the white 
races under the pressure of an entirely new impulse are 
about to renew their periodic attempt to conquer or 
at least to dominate that vast continent. . . . So grand 
is the prize that failures will not daunt the Europeans, 
still less alter their conviction. If these movements 
follow historic lines they will recur for a time upon a 
constantly ascending scale, each repulse eliciting a 
greater effort, until at last Asia like Africa is ‘parti- 
tioned,’ that is, each section is left at the disposal of some 
white people. If Europe can avoid internal war, or 
war with a much-aggrandized America, she wiU by A. D. 
2000 be mistress in Asia, and at liberty, as her people 
think, to enjoy.”* If the reader will compare these 
lines with Mr. Townsend’s 1911 judgment, he will get 
a good idea of the momentous change wrought in 
white minds by Asia’s awakening during the first dec- 
^ Townsend ('*Asia and Europe”)) PP> 1-4. 


ade of the twentieth century as typified by the Russo- 
Japanese War. 

1900 was, indeed, the high-water mark of the white 
tide which had been flooding for four hundred years. 
At that moment the white man stood on the pinnacle 
of his prestige and power. Pass four short years, and 
the flash of the Japanese guns across the murky waters 
of Port Arthur harbor revealed to a startled world — 
the beginning of the ebb. 



The Russo-Japanese War is one of those landmarks 
in human histoiy whose significance increases with the 
lapse of time. That war was momentous, not only for 
what it did, but even more for what it revealed. The 
legend of white invincibility was shattered, the veil 
of prestige that draped white civilization was tom 
aside, and the white world’s manifold ills were laid bare 
for candid examination. 

Of course previous blindness to the trend of things 
had not been universal. The white world had had its 
Cassandras, while keen-sighted Asiatics had discerned 
symptoms of white weakness. Nevertheless, so im- 
posing was the white world’s aspect and so unbroken 
its triumphant progress that these seers had been a 
small and discredited minority. The mass of mankind, 
white and non-white alike, remained oblivious to signs 
of change. 

This, after all, was but natural. Not only had the 
white advance been continuous, but its tempo had been 
ever increasing. The nineteenth century, in particular, 
witnessed an unprecedented outburst of white activity. 
We have already surveyed white teratorial gains, both 
as to area of settlement and sphere of political control. 
But along many other lines white expansion was 


the beginning of the ebb 155 

equally remarkable. White race-increase — ^the basis 
of all else — ^was truly phenomenal. In the year 1500 
the white race (then confined to Europe) could not 
have munbered more than 70,000,000. In 1800 the 
population of Europe was 150,000,000, while the whites 
living outside Europe numbered over 10,000,000. The 
white race had thus a trifle more than doubled its nmn- 
bers in three centuries. But in the year 1900 the popu- 
lation of Europe was nearly 450,000,000, while the 
extrarEuropean whites numbered fully 100,000,000. 
Thus the whites had increased threefold in the Euro- 
pean homeland, while in the new areas of settlement 
outside Europe they had increased tenfold. The 
total number of whites at the end of the nineteenth 
century was thus nearly 550,000,000 — a gain in num- 
bers of almost 400,000,000, or over 400 per cent. This 
spelled an increase six times as great as that of the 
preceding three centuries. 

White race-growth is most strikingly exemplified 
by the increase of its most expansive and successful 
branch — ^the Anglo-Saxons. In 1480, as already seen, 
the population of England proper was not much over 
2,000,000. Of course this figure was abnormally low 
even for mediaeval times, it being due to the terrible 
vital losses of the Wars of the Roses, then drawing to 
a close. A centmy later, under Elizabeth, the popu- 
lation of England had risen to 4,000,000. In 1900 the 
population of Englaind was 31^000,000, and in 1910 it 
was 35,000,000, the population of the British Isles at 
the latter date being 45,500,090. But in the interven- 


ing centuries British blood had migrated to the ends 
of the earth, so that the total niunber of Anglo-Saxons 
in the world to-day cannot be much less than 100,- 
000,000. This figure includes Scotch and Scotch- 
Irish strains (which are of course identical with Eng- 
lish in the Anglo-Saxon sense), and adopts the current 
estimate that some 50,000,000 of people in the United 
States are predominantly of Anglo-Saxon origin. 
Thus, in four centuries, the Anglo-Saxons multiplied 
between forty and fifty fold. 

The prodigious increase of the white race during the 
nineteenth century was due not only to territorial ex- 
pansion but even more to those astoimding triumphs 
of science and invention which gave the race unprece- 
dented mastery over the resomces of nature. This 
material advance is usually known as the “industrial 
revolution.” The industrial revolution began in the 
later decades of the eighteenth century, but it matured 
during the first half of the nineteenth century, when it 
swiftly and utterly transformed the face of things.* 

This transformation was, indeed, absolutely unprece- 
dented in the world’s history. Hitherto man’s ma- 
terial progress had been a gradual evolution. With 
the exception of gunpowder, he had tapped no new 
sources of material energy since very ancient times. 
The horse-drawn mail-coach of our great-grandfathers 
was merely a logical elaboration of the horse-drawn 
Egyptian chariot; the wind-driven clipper-ship traced 
its line unbroken to Ulysses’s lateen bark before Troy; 
while industry still relied on the brawn of man and 

the beginning of the ebb 157 

beast or upon the simple action of wind and waterfall. 
Suddenly all was changed. Steam, electricity, petrol, 
the Hertzian wave, harnessed nature's hidden powers, 
conquered distance, and shrunk the terrestrial globe 
to the measure of human hands. Man entered a new 
material world, differing not merely in degree but in 
kind from that of previous generations. 

When I say “Man," I mean, so far as the nineteenth 
century was concerned, the white man. It was the 
white man's brain which had conceived all this, and it 
was the white man alone who at first reaped the bene- 
fits. The two outstanding features of the new order 
were the rise of machine industry with its incalculable 
acceleration of mass-production, and the correlative 
development of cheap and rapid transportation. Both 
these factors favored a prodigious increase in popula- 
tion, particularly in Europe, since Europe became the 
workshop of the world. In fact, during the nineteenth 
century, Europe was transformed from a semi-rural 
continent into a swarming hive of industry, gorged 
with goods, capital, and men, pouring forth its wares 
to the remotest comers of the earth, and drawing thence 
fresh stores of raw material for new fabrication and 
exchange. The amount of wealth amassed by the 
white world in general and by Europe in particular 
since the beginning of the nineteenth craituiy is sim- 
ply incalculable. Some faint conception of it can be 
gathered from the growth of world-trade. In the 
year 1818 the entire volume of international commaee 
was valued at only $2,000,00p,000. In other words. 


after countless millenniums of hiunan life upon our 
globe, man had been able to produce only that rela- 
tively modest volume of world-exchange. In 1850 
the volume of world-trade had grown to $4,000,000,000. 
In 1900 it had increased to $20,000,000,000, and in 
1913 it swelled to the inconceivable total of $40,000,- 
000,000 — a twentyfold increase in a short hundred 

Such were the splendid achievements of nineteenth- 
century civilization. But there was a seamy side to 
this cloth of gold. The vices of our age have been por- 
trayed by a thousand censorious pens, and there is no 
need here to recapitulate them. They can mostly be 
smnmed up by the word “Materialism.” That ab- 
sorption in material questions and neglect of idealistic 
values which characterized the nineteenth centurj^ 
has been variously accoimted for. But, after all, was 
it not primarily due to the profoimd distimbancc 
caused by drastic environmental change? Civilized 
man had just entered a new material world, diflering 
not merely in degree but in kind from that of his 
ancestors. It is a scientific truism that every living 
organism, in order to survive, must adapt itself to its 
environment. Therefore any change of environment 
must evoke an immediate readjustment on the part of 
the organism, and the more pronounced the environ- 
mental change, the more rapid and thoroughgoing the 
organic readjustment must be. Above all, speed is 
essential. Nature brooks no delay, and the dishar- 
monic organism must attune itself or perish. 

the beginning of the ebb 159 

Now, is not readaptation precisely the problem 
vath which civilized man has been increasingly con- 
fronted for the past hundred years? No one surely 
can deny that our present environment differs vastly 
from that of om ancestors. But if this be so, the 
necessity for profound and rapid adaptation becomes 
equally true. In fact, the race has instinctively 
sensed this necessity, and has bent its best energies to 
the task, particularly on the materialistic side. That 
was only natural. The pioneer’s preoccupation with 
material matters in opening up new countiy is self- 
evident, but what is not so generally recognized is the 
fact that nineteenth-century Europe and the eastern 
United States are in many respects environmentally 
'‘newer” than remote backwoods settlements. 

Of course the changed character of our civilization 
called for idealistic adaptations no less sweeping. 
These were neglected, because their necessity was not 
so compellingly patent. Indeed, man was distinctly 
attached to his existing idealistic outfit, to the elabora- 
tion of which he had so assiduously devoted himself in 
former days, and which had fairly served the require- 
ments of his simpler past. Therefore nineteenth- 
century man concentrated intensively, exclusively upon 
materialistic problems, feeling that he could thus con- 
centrate because he believed that the idealistic con- 
quests of preceding epoclis had given him sound moral 
bases upon which to build the 4iew material edifice. 

Unfortunately, that which had at fiist been merely 
a means to an end presently became an end in itself. 


Losing sight of his idealisms, nineteenth-century man 
evolved a thoroughly materialistic philosophy. The 
upshot was a warped, one-sided development which 
quickly revealed its unsoundness. The fact that man 
was much less culpable for his errors than many moral- 
ists aver is quite beside the point, so far as consequences 
are concerned. Nature takes no excuses. She de- 
mands results, and when these are not forthcoming 
she inexorably inflicts her penalties. 

As the nineteenth century drew toward its close the 
symptoms of a profound malaise appeared on every 
side. Even those most ftmdamental of all factors, the 
vitality and quality of the race, were not immune. 
Vital statistics began to display features highly dis- 
quieting to thoughtful minds. The most striking of 
these phenomena was the declining birth-rate which 
affected neai’ly all the white nations toward the close 
of the nineteenth century and which in France resulted 
in a virtually stationary population. 

Of course the mere fact of a lessened birth-rate, 
taken by itself, is not the unmixed evil which many 
persons assume. Man’s potential reproductive ca- 
pacity, like that of all other species, is very great. 
In fact, the whole course of biological progress has been 
marked by a steady checking of that reproductive 
exuberance which ran riot at the beginning of life on 
earth. As Havelock Ellis well says: “Of one minute 
organism it is estimated that, if its reproduction were 
not checked by death or destruction, in thirty days it 
would form a mass a miHion times larger than the sun. 

the beginning op the ebb 161 


The conger-eel lays 15,000,000 eggs, and if they all 
grew up, and reproduced themselves on the same scale, 
in two years the whole sea would become a wriggling 
mass of fish. As we approach the higher forms of life 
reproduction gradually dies down. The animals near- 
est to man produce few offspring, but they surround 
them with parental care, until they are able to lead 
independent lives with a fair chance of surviving. 
The whole process may be regarded as a mechanism 
for slowly subordinating quantity to quality, and so 
promoting the evolution of life to ever higher stages.”^ 

While man’s reproductive power is slight from the 
standpoint of bacteria and conger-eels, it is yet far 
from negligible, as is shown by the birth-rate of the 
less-advanced human types at all times, and by the 
birth-rate of the higher types under exceptionally 
favorable circumstances. The nineteenth century 
was one of these favorable occasions. In the new areas 
of settlement outside Europe, vast regions prac- 
ticalfy untenanted by colored competitors invited 
the white colonists to increase and multiply; while 
Europe itself, though historically “old country,” was 
so transformed envii'onmentally by the industrial 
revolution that it suddenly became capable of sup- 
porting a much larger population than heretofore. 
By the close of the centuiy, however, the most pressing 
economic stimuli to rapid multiplication had waned 
in Europe and in many of Ahc race dependencies. 

^Havelock Ellis, Essays in War-Time,’^ p. 198 (American Edition, 
Boston, 1917). ♦ 


Therefore the rate of increase, even under the most 
favorable biological circumstances, should have shown 
a decline. 

The trouble was that this diminishing human out- 
put was of less and less biological value. Wherever 
one looked in the white world, it was precisely those 
peoples of highest genetic worth whose birth-rate fell 
off most sharply, while within the ranks of the several 
peoples it was those social classes containing the highest 
proportion of able strains which were contributing 
the smallest quotas to the population. Everywhere 
the better types (on which the future of the race de- 
pends) were numerically stationary or dwindling, while 
conversely, the lower types wore gaining ground, their 
birth-rate showing relatively slight diminution. 

This ‘‘disgenic” trend, so ominous for the future 
of the race, is a melancholy commonplace of our time, 
and many efforts have been made to measure its prog- 
ress in economic or social terms. One of the most 
striking and easily measured examples, howevci', is 
furnished by the category of race. As explained in 
the Introduction, the white race divides into throe 
main sub-species — ^the Nordics, the Alpines, and the 
Mediterraneans. All three are good stocks, ranking 
in genetic worth well above the various colored races. 
However, there seems to be no question that the Nor- 
dic is far and away the most valuable t3q)e; standing, 
indeed, at the head of, the whole human genus. As 
Madison Grant well expresses it, the Nordic is “The 
Great Race.” 

the beginning of the ebb 163 

Now it is the Nordics who are most affected by the 
disgenic aspects of our civilization. In the newer areas 
of white settlement like our Pacific coast or the Cana- 
dian Northwest, to be sure, the Nordics even now 
thrive and multiply. But in all those regions which 
typify the transformation of the industrial revolution, 
the Nordics do not fit into the altered environment 
as well as either Alpines or Mediterraneans, and hence 
tend to disappear. Before the industrial revolution 
the Nordic’s chief eliminator was war. His pre-eminent 
fighting ability, together with the position of leader- 
ship which he had generally acquired, threw on his 
shoulders the brunt of battle and exposed him to the 
greatest losses, whereas the more stolid Alpine and 
the loss robust Mediterranean stayed at home and 
r(!produ(!od their kind. The chronic turmoil of both 
the mcdiajval and modern periods imposed a perpetual 
drain on the Nordic stock, while the era of discovery 
and colonization which began with the sixteenth cen- 
tniy, further depleted the Nordic ranks in Europe, 
since it was adventurous Nordics who formed the over- 
whelming majority of explorers and pioneers to new 
lands. Thus, even at the end of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, Europe was much less Nordic than it had been 
a thousand yearn before. 

Nevertheless, down to the close of the eighteenth 
century, the Nordics suffered from no other notable 
handicaps than war and migration, and even enjoyed 
some marked advantages. Being a higli type, the Nor- 
dic is naturally a "higli standard” man. lie requires 


healthful living conditions, and quickly pines when 
deprived of good food, fresh air, and exercise. Down 
to the close of the eighteenth century, Europe was 
predominantly agricultural. In cool northern and 
central Europe, therefore, environment actually fa- 
vored the big, blond Nordics, especially as against the 
slighter, less muscular Mediterranean; while in the 
hotter south the Nordic upper class, being the rulers, 
were protected from field labor, and thus survived as 
an aristocracy. In peaceful times, therefore, the Nor- 
dics multiplied and repaired the gaps wrought by 
proscription and war. 

The industrial revolution, however, profoundly modi- 
fied this state of things. Europe was transformed 
from an agricultural to an urbanized, industrial area. 
Numberless cities and manufacturing centres grew 
up, where men were close packed and were subjected 
to all the evils of congested living. Of course such 
conditions are not ideal for any stock. Nevertheless, 
the Nordic suffered more than any one else. The 
cramped factory and the crowded city weeded out 
the big, blond Nordic with portentous rapidity, where- 
as the little brunet Mediterranean, in particular, 
adapted himself to the operative’s bench or the clerk’s 
stool, prospered — and reproduced his kind. 

The result of these new handicaps, combined with 
the continuance of the traditional handicaps (war 
and migration), has been a startling decrease of Nor- 
dics all over Europe throughout the nineteenth ceti- 
tiuy, with a corresponding resurgence of the Alpine, 

the beginning of the ebb 165 

and still more of the Mediterranean, elements. In 
the United States it has been the same story. Our 
country, originally settled almost exclusively by Nor- 
dics, was toward the close of the nineteenth century 
invaded by hordes of immigrant Alpines and Mediter- 
raneans, not to mention Asiatic elements like Levan- 
tines and Jews. As a result, the Nordic native Amer- 
ican has been crowded out with amazing rapidity by 
these swarming, prolific aliens, and after two short 
generations he has in many of our urban areas become 
almost extinct. 

The racial displacements induced by a changed eco- 
nomic or social environment are, indeed, almost incalcu- 
lable. Contrary to the popular belief, nothing is more 
unstable than the ethnic make-up of a people. Above 
all, there is no more absurd fallacy than the shibboleth 
of the “melting-pot.” As a matter of fact, the melt- 
ing-pot may mix but does not melt. Each race-type, 
formed ages ago, and “set” by millenniums of isolation 
ancT inbreeding, is a stubbornly pereisteut entity. Each 
type possesses a special set of characters: not merely 
the physical characters visible to the naked eye, but 
moral, intellectual, and spiritual characters as well. 
All these characters are transmitted substantially 
unchanged from generation to generation. To be 
sure, where members of the same race-stock interr 
many (as English and Swedish Nordics, or French 
and British Mediterraneans), there seems to be genuine 
amalgamation. In most other cases, however, the re- 
sult is not a blend but a mechanical mixture. Where 


the parent stocks are very diverse, as in matings be- 
tween whites, negroes, and Amerindians, the offspring 
is a mongrel — a walking chaos, so consumed by his 
jarring heredities that he is quite worthless. We have 
already viewed the mongrel and his works in Latin 

Such are the two extremes. Where intermarriage 
takes place between stocks relatively near together, 
as in crossings between the main divisions of the white 
^ecies, the result may not be bad, and is sometimes 
distinctly good. Nevertheless, there is no true amal- 
gamation. The different race-characters remain dis- 
tinct in the mixed offspring. If the race-types have 
generally intermarried, the country is really occupied 
by two or more races, the races always tendmg to sort 
themselves out again as pure types by Mendelian in- 
heritance. Now one of these race-types will be favored 
by the environment, and it will accordingly tend to 
gain at the other’s expense, while conversely the other 
types will tend to be bred out and to disappear. Sonic- 
times a modification of the environment through social 
changes will suddenly reverse this process and will 
penalize a hitherto favored type. We then witness a 
“resurgence,” or increase, of the previously submerged 

A striking instance of this is going on in England. 
England is inhabited by two race-stocks — ^Nordics 
and Mediterraneans. Dewn to the eighteenth cen- 
tury, England, being an agricultural country with a 
cool climate, favored the* Nordics, and but for the 

the beginning of the ebb 167 

Nordic handicaps of war and migration the Mediter- 
raneans might have been entirely eliminated. Two 
hundred years ago the Mediterranean element in Eng- 
land was probably very small. The industrial revolu- 
tion, however, reversed the selective process, and to- 
day the small, dark types in England increase notice- 
ably with every generation. The swart “cockney” 
is a resurgence of the primitive Mediterranean stock, 
and is probably a faithful replica of his ancestors of 
Neolithic times. 

Such was the ominous “seamy side” of nineteenth- 
century civilization. The regressive trend was, in 
fact, a vicious circle. An ill-balanced, faulty environ- 
ment penalized the superior strains and favored the 
inferior tiTCs; while, conversely, the impoverishing 
race-stocks, drained of their geniuses and overloading 
Arith dullards and degenerates, were increasingly unable 
to evolve environmental remedies. 

Thus, by action and reaction, the situation grew 
steadily worse, disclosing its parlous state by number- 
less symptoms of social ill-health. All the imlovely 
fin de siede phenomena, such as the decay of ideals, 
rampant materialism, political disruption, social xm- 
rcst, and the “decadence” of art and literature, were 
merely manifestations of the same basic ills. 

Of course a thoughtful minority, undazzled by the 
prevalent optimism, pointed out evils and suggested 
remedies. Unfortunately these “remedies” were 
superficial, because the reformers confused manifesta- 
tions with causes and combsited symptoms instead of 


fighting the disease. For example: the white world’s 
troubles were widely ascribed to the loss of its tradi- 
tional ideals, especially the decay of religious faith. 
But, as the Belgian sociologist Rend Gdraxd acutely 
remarks, “to reason in this manner is, we think, to 
mistake the effect for the cause. To believe that 
philosophic and religious doctrines create morals and 
civilizations is a seductive error, but a fatal one. To 
transplant the beUefs and the institutions of a people 
to new regions in the hope of transplanting thither 
their virtues and their civilization as well is the vainest 
of follies. • . . The greater or less degree of vigor in a 
people depends on the power of its vital instinct, of its 
greater or less faculty for adapting itself to and domi- 
nating the conditions of the moment. When the vital 
instinct of a people is healthy, it readily suggests to the 
people the religious and moral doctrines which assure 
its survival. It is not, therefore, because a people 
possesses a definite belief that it is healthy and vigor- 
ous, but rather because the people is healthy and wgor- 
ous that it adopts or invents the belief which is useful 
to itself. In this way, it is not because it ceases to 
believe that it falls into decay, it is because it is in 
decay that it abandons the fertile dream of its ancestors 
without replacing this by a new dream, equally forti- 
fying and creative of energy.” ^ 

Thus we return once more to the basic principle of 
race. For what is “vital instinct” but the imperious 

‘B.6n6 Gerard, “Civilization in Danger,” The HUbkert Jourvd, 
January, 1912. 

the beginning of the ebb 169 

urge of superior heredity? As Madison Grant well 
gays: “The lesson is always the same, namely, that race 
is everything. Without race there can be nothing ex- 
cept the slave wearing his master’s clothes, stealing his 
master’s proud name, adopting his master’s tongue, 
and living in the crumbling ruins of his master’s 
palace.” ^ 

The disastrous consequences of failure to realize 
this basic truth is nowhere more strikingly exemplified 
than in the field of white world-politics during the half- 
century preceding the Great War. That period was 
dominated by two antithetical schools of political 
thinking: national-imperialism and internationalism. 
Swayed by the ill-balanced spirit of the times, both 
schools developed extremist tendencies; the former 
producing such monstrous aberrations as Pan-German- 
isn and Pan-Slavism, the latter evolving almost equally 
vicious concepts like cosmopolitanism and proletar 
nanism. The adherents of these rival schools com- 
bated one another and wrangled among themselves. 
They both disregarded the basic significance of race, 
together with its immediate corollary, the essential 
solidarity of the white world. 

As a matter of fact, white solidarity has been one of 
the great constants of history. For ages the white 
peoples have possessed a true “s 3 nnbiosis” or common 
life, ceaselessly mingling their bloods and exchanging 
their ideas. Accordingly, the. various white nations 
which are the face’s political expression may be re- 

^ Grant, op, cUf, p. 100. 


gaxded as so many planets gravitating about the sun 
of a common civilization. No such sustained and in- 
timate race-solidarity has ever before been recorded 
in human annals. Not even the solidarity of the yel- 
, low peoples is comparable in scope. 

Of course the white world’s internal frictions have 
been legion, and at certain times these frictions have 
become so acute that white men have been led to dis- 
regard or even to deny their fundamental unity. This 
is perhaps also because white solidarity is so pervasive 
that we live in ii, and thus ordinarily do not perceive 
it any more than we do the air we breathe. Should 
white men ever really lose their instinct of race-soli- 
darity, they would asphyxiate racially as swiftly and 
surely as they would asphyxiate physically if the at- 
mospheric oxygen should suddenly be withdrawn. 
However, down to 1914 at least, the white world never 
came within measurable distance of this fatal possi- 
bility. On the contrary, the white peoples were con- 
tinually expressing their fundamental solidarity by 
various unifying concepts like the “Pax Romana” 
of antiquity, the “Civitas Dei” or Christian common- 
wealth of the Middle Ages, and the “European Con- 
cert” of nineteenth-century diplomacy. 

It was ty^jical of the malaise which was overtak- 
ing the white world that the close of the nineteenth 
century should have witnessed an ommous ignoring 
of white solidarity; th^t national-imperialists should 
have breathed mutual slaughter while international- 
ists caressed visions of “human solidarity” culminating 

the beginning of the ebb 171 

in universal race-amalgamation; lastly, that Asia’s 
Incipient revdt against white supremacy, typified by 
the Russo-Japanese War, should have foimd zealous 
white ^onsors and abetters. 

Nothing, indeed, better illustrates the white world’s 
unsoundness at the beginnmg of the present century 
than its reaction to the Russo-Japanese conflict. The 
tremendous significance of that event was no more 
lost upon the whites than it was upon the colored 
peoples. Most far-seeing white men recognized it as 
an omen of evil import for their race-future. And yet, 
even in the first access of apprehension, these same 
persons generally admitted that they saw no prospect 
of healing, constructive action to remedy the ills which 
were driving the white world along the downward 
path. Analyzing the possibility of Europe’s presenting 
a common front to the perils disclosed by the Japanese 
victories, the French publicist Rwi6 Pinon sadly con- 
cluded in the negative, believing that political })assions, 
social" hates, and national rivalries would speak louder 
than the general interest. “Contemporaiy Europe,” 
he wrote, in 1905, “is probably not ready to receive 
and underatand the lesson of the war. What ai’e the 
examples of history to those gigantic commercial 
houses, uneasy for their New Year’s balances, which 
are our modem nations? It is in the nature of States 
founded on mercantilism to content themselves with a 
hand-to-mouth policy, without -general views or ideal- 
ism, satisfied with inmiediate gains and unable to pre- 
pare against a distant future. • 


“Whence, in the Europe of to-day, could come the 
principle of an entente, and on what could it be based? 
Too many divergent interests, too many rival ambi- 
tions, too many festering hates, too many ‘dead who 
speak,’ are present to stifle the voice of Europe’s 

“However menacing the external danger, we fear 
that political rancors would not down; that the enemy 
from without would find accomplices, or at least un- 
conscious auxiliaries, within. Far more than in its 
regiments and battleships, the power of Japan lies in 
our discords, in the absence of an ideal capable of lift- 
ing the European peoples above the daily pursuit of 
immediate interests, capable of stirring their hearts 
with the thrill of a common emotion. The true ‘Yel- 
low P«il’ lies within us.”* 

Rdnd Pinon was a true prophet. Not only was the 
“writing on the wall” not taken to heart, the decade 
following the Russo-Japanese conflict witnessed a pro- 
digious aggravation of all the ills which had afflicted 
white civilization during the nineteenth century. As 
if scourged by a tragic fate, the white world hurtled 
along the downward path, until it entered the fell 
shadow of — ^the modem Peloponnesian War. 

^ Pinon, “La Lutte pour Ic Pacifique,” pp. 184-185. 



The Peloponnesian War was the suicide of Greek 
civilization. It is the saddest page of histoiy. In the 
brief Periclean epoch preceding the catastrophe Hellas 
had shone forth with unparalleled splendor, and even 
those wonderful achievements seemed but the prelude 
to still loftier heights of glory. On the eve of its seK- 
immolation the Greek race, far from being exhausted, 
was bubbling over with exuberant vitality and creative 

But the half-blown rose was nipped by the canker of 
discord. Jealous rivalries and mad ambitions smoul- 
dered till they burst into a consuming flame. For a 
generation Hellas tore itself to pieces in a delirimn of 
fratrieidaJ strife. And even this was not the worst. 
The “peace” which closed the Peloponnesian War was 
no peace. It was a mere truce, dictated by the victors 
of the moment to sullen and vengeful enemies. Im- 
posed by the sword and infused with no healing or 
constructive virtue, the Peloponnesian War was but 
the first of a war cycle which completed Hellas’s ruin. 

The irreparable disaster had, indeed, occurred: the 
gulfs of sundering hatred had. become fixed, and the 
sentiment of Greek race-unity was destroyed. Having 
lost its soul, the Greek race soon lost its body as well. 



Drained of its best strains^ ths diminished remnant 
bowed to foreign masters and bastardized its blood 
with the hordes of inferior aliens who swarmed into the 
land. By the time of the Roman conquest the Greets 
were degenerate, and the Roman epithet “Graeculus” 
was a teiTO of deserved contempt. 

Thus perished the Greeks — the fairest slip that ever 
budded on the tree of life. They perished by their 
own hands, in the flower of their youth, carrying with 
them to the grave, unborn, potencies which might have 
blessed and brightened the world for ages. Nature is 
inexorable. No hving being stands above her law; 
and protozoon or demigod, if they transgress, alike 
must die. 

The Greek tragedy should be a warning to our own 
day. Despite many unlikeucsses, the nineteenth cen- 
tury was strangely reminiscent of the Periclean age. 
In creative energy and fecund achievement, sincly, 
its like had not been seen since “the glory that was 
Greece,” and the way seemed opening to yet higher 

But the brilliant simrise was presently dimmed by 
gathering clouds. The birth of the twentieth century 
was attended with disquieting omens. The ills which 
had afflicted the preceding epoch grew more acute, 
synchronizing into an all-pervading, militant unrest. 
The spirit of change was in the air. Ancient ideals 
and shibboleths witheced before the fiery breath of a 
destructive criticism, while the solid crust of tradition 
cracked and heaved under the premonitory tremois of 


volcanic forces working far below. Everywhere were 
seen bursting forth increasingly acute eruptions of 
human energy: a triumph of the dynamic over the 
static elements of life; a growing preference for violent 
and revolutionary, as contrasted with peaceful and 
evolutionary, solutions, running the whole politico- 
social gamut from “Imperialism” to “Syndicalism.” 
Ever 3 nvhere could be discerned the spirit of unrest 
setting the stage for the great catastrophe. 

Grave disorders were simply inevitable. They might 
perhaps have been localized. They might even have 
taken other forms. But the ills of our civilization were 
too deep-seated to have avoided grave disturbances. 
The Prussian plotters of “Wcltmacht” did, indeed, 
precipitate the impending crisis in its most viinlent 
and concentrated form, yet after all they were but 
sublimations of the abnormal trend of the times. 

The best proof of this is the white world’s acutely 
pathological condition during the entire decade pre- 
vious. to the Groat War. That fierce quest after alli- 
ances and mad piling-up of armaments; those paroxys- 
mal “crises” which racked diplomacy’s feverish frame; 
those ferocious struggles which desolated the Balkans: 
what were all these but symptoms denoting a con- 
suming disease? To-day, by contrast, we think of the 
Great War as having smitten a world basldng in pro- 
found peace. What a delusion ! Cast back the mind’s 
eye, and recall how hectic wj^s the eve of the Great 
War,, not merely in politics but in most other fields as 
well. Those opening months, of 1914! Wliy, Europe 


seethed from end to end ! When the Great War be- 
gan, England was on the verge of civil strife, Russia 
was in the throes of an acute social revolt, Italy had 
just passed through a “red week” threatening 
anarchy, and every European country was suffering 
from grave internal disorders. It was a strange, 
nightmarish time, that early sununer of 1914, to-day 
quite overshadowed by subsequent events, but which 
later generations will assign a proper place in the 
chain of world-histoiy. 

Well, Armageddon began and ran its horrid course. 
With the grim chronology of those dreary years this 
book is not concerned. It is with the aftennath that 
we here deal. And that is a sufficiently gloomy theme. 
The material losses are prodigious, the vital losses 
appalling, while the spiritual losses have well-nigh 
bankrupted the human soul. 

Turning first to the material losses, they are of course 
in the broadest sense incalculable, but approximate 
estimates have been made. Perhaps the best of them 
is the analysis made by Professor Ernest L. Bogert, 
who places the direct costs of the war at $186,000,- 
000,000 and the indirect costs at $151,000,000,000, thus 
arriving at the stupendous total of $337,000,000,000. 
These well-nigh inconceivable estimates still do not 
adequately represent the total losses, figured even in 
monetary terms, for, as Professor Bogert remarks: 
“The figures presented in this summary are both in- 
comprehensible and appalling, yet even these do not 
take into account the effect of the war on life, human 


vitality, economic well-being, ethics, morality, or 
other phases of human relationships and activities 
which have been disorganized and injured. It is 
evident from the present disturbances in Eru-ope that 
the real costs of the war cannot be measured by the 
direct money outlays of the belligerents during the five 
years of its duration, but that the very breakdown of 
modem economic society might be the price exacted.” ^ 

Yet prodigious as has been the destruction of wealth, 
the destruction of life is even more serious. Wealth 
can sooner or later be replaced, while vital losses are, 
by their very nature, irreparable. Never before were 
such masses of men arrayed for mutual slaughter. 
During the late w?r nearly 60,000,000 soldiers were 
mobilized, and the combatants suffered 33,000,000 
casualties, of whom nearly 8,000,000 were killed or 
died of disease, nearly 19,000,000 were wounded, and 

7.000. 000 taken prisoners. The greatest sufferer was 
Russia, which had over 9,000,000 casualties, while 
next* in order came Germany with 6,000,000 and 
France with 4,500,000 casualties. The British Empire 
had 3,000,000 casualties. America’s losses were rel- 
atively slight, our total casualties being a trifle imder 


And this is only the beginning of the story. The 
figures just quoted refer only to fighting men. They 
take no account of the civilian population. But the 
civilian losses were simply incalculable, especially in 
eastern Europe and the Ottoman Empire. It is esr 
' Nmo York Tinua Current Hisloiy, December, 1919, p. 438. 


timated that for every soldier killed, five civilians per- 
ished by hunger, exposure, disease, massacre, or height- 
ened infant mortality. The civilian deaths in Poland 
and Russia are placed at many millions, while other 
millions died in Turkey and Serbia through massacre 
and starvation. One item alone will give some idea 
of the wastage of human life during the war. The 
deaths beyond the normal mortality due to influenza 
and pnemnonia induced by the war are estimated at 

4.000. 000. The total loss of life directly attributable 
to the war is probably fully 40,000,000, while if de- 
creased birth-rates be added the total would rise 
to nearly 50,000,000. Furthermore, so far as civfiian 
deaths are concerned, the terrible conditions prevailing 
over a great part of Europe since the close of 1918 
have caused additional losses relatively as severe as 
those during the war years. 

The way in which Europe’s population has been 
literally decimated by the late war is shown by the 
example of France. In 1914 the population of France 
was 39,700,000. From this relatively moderate popula- 
tion nearly 8,000,000 men were mobilized during the 
war. Of these, nearly 1,400,000 were killed, 3,000,000 
were wounded, and more than 400,000 were made 
prisoners. Of the wounded, between 800,000 and 900,- 
000 were left permanent physical wrecks. Thus fully 

2.000. 000 men — ^mostly drawn from the flower of French 
manhood — ^were dead or hopelessly incapacitated. 

Meanwhile, the civilian population was also shrmk- 
ing. Omitting the civilian deaths in the northexn 


partments under German occupation, the excess of 
deaths over births was more than 50,000 for 1914, 
and averaged nearly 300,000 for the four succeeding 
war years. And the most alarming feature was that 
these losses were mainly due, not to deaths of adults, 
but to a sliunp in the birth-rate. French births, which 
had been 600,000 in 1913, dropped to 315,000 in 1916 
and 343,000 in 1917. All told, it seems probable that 
between 1913 and 1919 the population of Pi’ance 
diminished by almost 3,000,000 — ^nearly one-tenth of 
the entire population. 

France’s vital losses are only typical of what has to 
a greater or less extent occurred all over Europe. The 
disgenic effect of the Great War is siinply appalling. 
The war was nothing short of a headlong plunge into 
white race-suicide. It was essentially a civil war be- 
tween closely related white stocks; a war wherein 
every physical and mental effective w’as gathered up 
and hurled into a hell of lethal machineiy which killed 
out. unerringly the youngest, the bravest, and the 

Even in the first frenzied hours of August, 1914, 
wise men realized the horror that stood upon the 
threshold. The crowd might cheer, but the reflective 
already mourned in prospect the losses which were in 
store. As the English writer Harold Begbie then said : 
“Remember this. Among the young conscript sol- 
diers of Europe who will die in thousands, and per- 
haps millions, are the very flower of civilization; we 

shall destroy brains which yiight have discovered for 


Li'-i«AHY 'r)i 



us in ten or twenty years easements for the worst of 
human pains and solutions for the worst of social dan- 
gers. We shall blot those soiils out of our common 
existence. We shall destroy utterly those q)lendid 
burning ^irits reaching out to enlighten our dark- 
ness. Our fathers destroyed those strange and valu- 
able creatures whom they called ‘witches.’ We are 
destroying the brightest of our angels.” * 

But it is doubtful if any of these seers realized the 
full price which the race was destined to pay during 
more than four long, agonizing years. Never before 
had war shown itself such an imerring gleaner of the 
best racial values. As early as the sununer of 1915 
Mr. Will. Irw'in, an American war correspondent, re- 
marked the growing convictions among all classes, 
soldiers as well as civilians, that the war was fatally 
impoverisliing the race. “I have talked,” he wrote, 
“with British officers and British Tommies, with Eng- 
lish ladies of fashion and English housewives, with 
French deputies and French cabmen, and in all nands 
alike I find the same idea fixed — ^what is to become 
of the French race and the British race, yes, and the 
German race, if this thing keeps up?” 

Mr. Irwin then goes on to describe the cumulative 
process by which the fittest were selected — for death. 

“I take it for granted,” he says, “that, m a general 
way, the bravest are the best, physically and spiritually. 
Now, in this war of machinery, this meat-mill, it is 
the bravest who lead the charges and attempt the 

^ The Ldterary August 29, 1914, p. 346. 


daring feats, and, correspondingly, the loss is greatest 
among those bravest. 

“So much when the army gets into line. But in 
the conscript countries, like France and Germany, 
there is a process of selection in pickuig the army by 
which the best — speaking in general teims — go out 
to die, while the weakest remain. The undei-sized, 
the undermuscled, the imdcrbrained, the men twisted 
by hereditary deformity or devitalized by hereditaiy 
disease — ^they remain at home to propagate the breed. 
The rest — ^aU the rest — ^go out to take chances. 

“Furthermore, as modem conscript amiies are or- 
ganized, it is the youngest men who sustain the heaviest 
losses — ^the men who are not yet fathers. And from 
the point of view of the race, that is, perhaps, the most 
melancholy fact of all. 

“All the able-bodied men between the ages of nine- 
teen and forty-five are in the ranks. But the older 
men do not take many chances with death. . . . These 
Eumpean conscript aimies are an’anged in classes 
according to age, and the younger classes are the men 
who do most of the actual fighting. The men in their 
late thirties or their forties, the ‘territorials,’ guard 
the lines, garrison the towns, generally attend to the 
business of running up the supplies. ^Vhen we come 
to gather the statistics of this war we shall find that 
an overwhelming majority of the dead were less than 
thirty years old, and probably that the majority were 
under twenty-five. Now, the temtorial of forty or 
forty-five has usually given to the state as many chil- 


dren as he is going to give, while the man of twenly- 
five or under has usually ^ven the state no children 
at all.”' 

Mr. Irwin was gauging the racial cost by the criterion 
of youth. A leading English scholar, Mr. H. A. L. 
Fisher, obtained equally alarming results by applying 
the test of genius. He analyzed the casualty lists “filled 
with names which, but for the fatal accidents of war, 
would certainly have been made illustrious for splendid 
service to the great cause of life. ... A government 
actuated by a cold calculus of economic eflEiciency would 
have made some provision for sheltering from the 
hazards of war young men on whose exceptional in- 
tellectual powers our futm-e progress might be thought 
to depend. But this has not been done, and it is im- 
possible to estimate the extent to which the world 
will be impoverished in quality by the disappearance 
of so much youthful genius and talent. . . . The 
spiiitual loss to the imiverse cannot be computed, and 
probably will exceed the injury inflicted on the v/brld 
by the wide and protracted prevalence of the celibate 
orders in the Middle Ages.” * 

The American biologist S. K. Humphrey did not 
underestimate the extent of the slaughter of genius- 
bearing strains when he wrote: “It is safe to say that 
among the millions killed will be a million who are 
carrying superlatively effective inheritances — ^the de- 
pendence of the race’s futm’e. Nothing is more ab- 
surd than the notion that these inheritances can be 

^ r/ie Ldterary Digest, August 7, 1916. * Ibid., August 11, 1917. 


replaced in a few generations by encouragmg the fecun- 
dity of the survivors. They are gone forever. The sur- 
vivors are going to reproduce their own less-valuable 
kind. Words fail to convey the appalling nature of 
the loss.” ^ 

It is the same melancholy tale when we apply the 
test of race. Of course the war bore heavily on all 
the white race-stocks, but it was the Nordics — ^the 
best of aU human breeds — ^who suffered far and away 
the greatest losses. War, as we have seen, was always 
the Nordic’s deadliest scourge, and never was this 
truer than in the late struggle. From the racial stand- 
point, indeed, Armageddon was a Nordic civil war, 
most of the officers and a large proportion of the men 
on both sides belonging to the Nordic race. Every- 
where it was the same stoiy: the Nordic went forth 
eagerly to battle, while the more stolid Alpine and, 
above all, the little brunet Mediterranean cither stayed 
at home or even when at the front showed less fighting 
sphit, took fewer chances, and oftener saved their 

The Great War has thus unquestionably left Europe 
much poorer in Nordic blood, while conversely it has 
relatively favored the Mediten’aneans. Madison Grant 
well says: “As in all wars since Roman times, from 
the breeding point of view the little dark man is the 
final wirmer.”® 

*S. K. Humphrey, “Mankind: Racial Values and the Racial Pros- 
pect,” p. 132 (New York, 1917). 

* Grant, p. 74. 


Furthermore, it must be remembered that those 
disgenic effects which I have been discussing refer 
solely to losses inflicted upon the actual combatants. 
But we have already seen that for every soldier killed 
the war took five civilian lives. In fact, the war’s 
profoundly devitalizing effects upon the general pop- 
ulation can hardly be overestimated. Those effects 
include not merely such obvious matters as privation 
and disease, but also obscurer yet highly destructive 
factors like nervous shock and prolonged overstrain. 
To take merely one instance, consider Havelock Ellis’s 
remarks concerning “the ever-widening circles of 
anguish and misery and destitution which every fatal 
bullet imposes on humanity.” He concludes: “It is 
probable that for every 10,000,000 soldiers who fall 
on the field, 50,000,000 other persons at home are 
plunged into grief, or poverty, or some form of life- 
diminishing trouble.”* 

Most serious has been the war’s effect upon the chil- 
dren. At home, as at the front, it is the yoimg»who 
have been sacrificed. The heaviest civilian losses 
have come through inci’eased infant mortality and 
decreased birth-rates. The “slaughter of the inno- 
cents” has thus been twofold: it has slain millions of 
those already alive, and it has prevented millions more 
from being bom or conceived. The decreased fe- 
cxmdity of women during the war even under good mar 
terial conditions apparently shows that war’s psycho- 
logioal reflexes tend to induce sterility. 

I Ellis, p. 32. 


An Italian savant, Professor Sergi, has elaborated 
this hypothesis in considerable detail. He contends 
that “war continued for a long time is the origin of 
this phenomenon (relative sterility), not only in the 
absolute sense of the loss of men in battle, but also 
through a series of special conditions which arise si- 
multaneously with an unbalancing of vital processes 
and which create in the latter a complex phenomenon 
difficult to examine in every one of its elements. 

“The biological disturbance docs not derive solely 
from the destruction of young lives, the ones best 
adapted to fecundity, but also from the unfavorable 
conditions into which a nation is unexpectedly thrown; 
from these come disorders of a mental and sentimental 
nature, nervousness, anxiety, grief, and pain of all 
kinds, to which the serious economic conditions of war- 
time also contribute; all these things have a harmful 
effect on the general organic economy of nations.” ^ 

From the combination of these losses on the battle- 
field and in the cradle arises what the biologist Doctor 
Saleeby terms “the menace of the dearth of youth.” 
The European populations to-day contain an undue 
proportion of adults and the aged, while “the younger 
generation is no longer knocking at the door. We 
senescents may grow old in peace; but the facts bode 
ill for our national future.” ^ 

Furthermore, this “dearth of youth” will not be 


^ New York Timex Current History j vol. IX, p. 272; October-Deoem- 
bw, 1916. 

* Current Opinion, April, 1919, p. 237# 


easily repaired. The war may be over, but its after- 
math is only a degree less unfavorable to human mul- 
tiplication, e^ecially of the better kinds. Bad in- 
dustrial conditions and the fearfully high cost of living 
continue to depress the birth-rate of all save the most 
reckless and improvident elements, whose increase is 
a curse rather than a blessing. 

To show only one of the many causes that to-day 
keep down the birth-rate, take the crushing burden of 
taxation, which hits especially the increase of the upper 
classes. The London Saturday Review recently ex- 
plained this very clearly when it wrote: “From a 
man with £2,000 a year the tax-gatherer takes £600. 
The remaining £1,400, owing to the decreased value of 
money, has a purchasing power about equal to £700 
a year before the war. No young man will therefore 
think of marrying on less than £2,000 a year. We are 
thinking of the young ipan in the upper and middle 
classes. The man who starts with nothing does not, 
as a rule, arrive at £2,000 a year until he is past the 
marrying age. So the continuance of the species will 
be carried on almost exclusively by the class of manual 
workers of a low average caliber of brain. The matter 
is very serious. Reading the letters and memoir-s of 
a hundred years ago, one is struck by the size of the 
families of the aristocracy. One smiles at reading of 
the overflowing nurseries of Edens, and Cokes, and 
Fitzgeralds. Fourteen or fifteen children were not at 
all unusual amongst the county families.”* 

^ Saturday Review^ {November 1, 1919, p. 407. 


Europe’s convalescence must, at the very best, be a 
ilow and diflSicult one. Both materially and spiritually 
he situation is the reverse of bright. To begin with, 
he political situation is highly unsatisfactory. The 
liplomatic arrangements made by the Versailles Peace 
inference offer neither stability nor permanence. In 
he next chapter I shall have more to say about the 
^rsailles Conference. For the moment, let me quote 
he observations of the well-known British publicist 
r. L. Garvin, who adequately summarizes the situation 
yhen he says: “As matters stand, no great war ever 
vas followed by a more disquieting and limited peace, 
ilveiywhere the democratic atmosphere is charged with 
.gitation. There is still war or anarchy, or both, be- 
wcen the Baltic and the Pacific across a sixth part of 
he whole earth. Without a restored Russia no out- 
ook can be confident. Either a Bolshevist or reaction- 
ary or even a patriotic jmiction between Germany and 
lussia might disrupt civilization as violently as before 
ir to even worse effect.”^ 

Political uncertainty is a poor basis on which to 
ebuild Europe’s shattered economic life. And this 
conomic reconstruction would, under the most favor- 
•ble circiunstances, be very difficult. We have already 
een how, owing to the industrial revolution, Europe 
»ecame the world’s chief workshop, exporting manu- 
actured products in return for foodstuffs to feed its 
i'orkera and raw materials to feed its machines, these 

‘J. L. Garvin, “The Economic Foundations of Peace, page xiv 
London, 1919). • 


imports being drawn from the four quarters of the 
globe. In other words, Europe had ceased to be self- 
sufficing, the very life of its industries and its urban 
populations being dependent upon foreign importa- 
tions from the most distant regions. Europe’s pros- 
perity before the war was due to the development of 
a marvellous system of world-trade; intricate, nicely 
adjusted, functioning with great efficiency, and run- 
ning at high speed. 

Then down upon this delicately organized mechan- 
ism crashed the trip-hammer of the Great War, liter- 
ally smashing it to pieces. To reconstruct so intricate 
a fabric takes time. Meanwhile, how are the huge 
luban masses to live, imfitted and unable as they are 
to draw their sustenance from their native soil? If 
their sufferings become too great there is a real danger 
that all Exuope may collapse into hopeless chaos. Mr. 
Frank A. Vanderlip did not overstate the danger when 
he wrote: “I believe it is possible that there may be 
let loose in Europe forces that will be more terribly 
destructive than have been the forces of the Great 

The best description of Europe’s economic situa- 
tion is undoubtedly that of Mr. Herbert Hoover, who, 
from his experience as inter-Allied food controller, is 
peculiarly qualified to pass authoritative judgment. 
Says Mr. Hoover: 

“The economic difficulties of Eiuope as a whole at 
the signature of peace may be almost summarized in 

1 Frank A. Vanderlip, “Polil?ical and Economic Conditions in Eu- 
rope,” The American Review of Reviews^ July, 1919, p. 42. 


the phrase ‘demoralized productivity.’ The produc- 
tion of necessaries for this 450,000,000 population (in- 
cluding Russia) has never been at so low an ebb as at 
this day. 

“A summary of the imemployment bureaus in 
Europe wiU show that 15,000,000 families are receiving 
unemployment allowances in one form or another, and 
are, in the main, being paid by constant inflation of 
currency. A rough estimate would indicate that the 
population of Europe is at least 100,000,000 greater 
than can be supported without imports, and must live 
by the production and distribution of exports; and 
their situation is aggravated not only by lack of raw 
materials, and imports, but also by low production 
of European raw materials. Due to the same low 
production, Europe is to-day importing vast quantities 
cf certain commodities which she formerly produced 
for herself and can again produce. Generally, in pro- 
duction, she is not only far below even the level of the 
time of the signing of the armistice, but far below the 
maintenance of life and health without an unparalleled 
rate of import. . . . 

“From all these causes, accumulated to different 
intensity in different localities, there is the essential 
fact that, unless productivity can be rapidly increased, 
there can be nothing but political, moral, and economic 
chaos, finally interpreting itself in loss of life on a 
scale hitherto undreamed of.”*. 

Such are the material and vital lossas inflicted by the 

'Herbert Hoover, “The Economic ^Situation in Europe,” WoMs 
'^ork, November, 1919, pp. 98-99. 


Great War. They are prodigious, and they will not 
easily be repaired. Europe starts its reconstruction 
under heavy handicaps, not the least of these being the 
drain upon its superior stocks, which has deprived it of 
much of the creative energy that it so desperately 
needs. Those 16,000,000 or more dead or incapaci- 
tated soldiers represented the flower of Europe’s 
yoimg manhood — the very men who are especially 
needed to-day. It is yoimg men who normally alone 
possess both maximum driving power and maximuin 
plasticity of mind. AU the European belligerents are 
dangerously impoverished in their stock of youth. The 
resultant handicap both to Europe’s working ability 
and Europe’s brain-activity is only too plain. 

Moreover, material and even vital losses do not tell 
the whole story. The moral and spiritual losses, 
though not easily measured, are perhaps even niorc 
appalling. In fact, the darkest cloud on the horizon 
is possibly the danger that reconstruction will be pri- 
marily material at the expense of moral and spiritual 
values, thus leading to a waiped development even 
more pronounced than that of the nineteenth century 
and leading inevitably to yet more disastrous conse- 

The danger of purely material reconstruction is of 
course the peril which lurks behind every great war, 
and which in the past has wrought such tragic havoc. 
At the beginning of the late war we heard much talk 
of its morally “regenerative” effects, but as the grim 
holocaust went on year after year, far-sighted moralists 


earned against a fatal drain of Europe’s idealistic 
forces which might break the thin crust of European 
civilization so painfully wrought since the Dark Ages. 

That these warning voices were not without reason is 
proved by the chaos of spiritual, moral, and even in- 
tellectual values which exists in Europe to-day, giving 
play to such monstrous insanities as Bolshevism. The 
danger is that this chaos may be prolonged and deep- 
ened by the complex of two concurrent factors: spiri- 
tual drain during the war, and spiritual neglect in the 
immediate future due to overconcentration upon 
material reconstruction. 

Many of the world’s best minds are seriously con- 
cerned at the outlook. For example. Doctor Gore, the 
Bishop of Oxford, writes: "There is the usual depres- 
sion and lowering of moral aims which always follows 
times of war. For the real terror of the time of war is 
not during the war; thou war has certam very enno- 
bling powers. It is after-war periods which are the 
curse X)f the world, and it looks as if the same were 
going to prove true of this war. I own that I never 
felt anxiety such as I do now. I think the aspect of 
things has never been so dark as at this moment. I 
think the temper of the nations has degraded since the 
declaration of the armistice to a degree that is almost 

The intellectual impoverishment wrought by the 
war is well summarized by Professor C. G. Shaw. 
‘^We did more before the war than we shall do after 

^ Tht Literary Digest^ May 3, 1919, pp. 3^-40. 


it/' he writes. “War wiU have so exhausted man’s 
powers of action and thought that he will have little 
wit or will left for the promotion of anything over and 
above necessary repair.”* 

Europe’s general impoverishment in all respects was 
vividly portrayed by a leading article of the London 
Saturday Review entitled “The True Destructiveness 
of War.” Pointing to the devastated areas of northern 
France as merely symptomatic of the devastation 
wrought in spiritual as well as material fields, it said: 

“Reflection only adds to the effect upon us of these 
miles of wasted coimtry and ruined towns. All this 
represents not a thousandth part of the desolation 
which the war has brought upon our civilization. 
These devastated areas scarring the face of Europe are 
but a symbol of the desolation which will shadow the 
life of the world for at least a generation. The com- 
ing years will be bleak, in respect of all the generous 
and gracious things which are the products of leisure 
and of minds not wholly taken up by the necessity to 
live by bread alone. For a generation the world will 
have to concentrate upon material problems. 

“The tragedy of the Great War — a tragedy which 
enhances the desolation of Rheims — ^is that it should 
have killed almost everything which the best of our 
soldiers died to preserve, and that it should have 
raised more problems than it has solved. 

“We would sacrifice .a dozen cathedrals to preserve 
what the war has destroyed in England. ... 

* Current OjnniSnj April, 1919, p. 248. 


would readily surrender our ten best cathedrals to be 
battered by the artillery of Hindenburg as a ransom. 
Surely it would be better to lose Westminster Abbey 
than never again to have anybody worthy to be buried 

Europe is, indeed, passing through the most critical 
spiritual phase of the war’s aftermath — ^what I may 
term the zero hour of the spirit. When the trenches 
used to fill with infantry waiting in the first cold flicker 
of the dawn for the signal to go “over the top,” they 
called it the “zero hour.” Well, Europe now faces the 
zero hour of peace. It is neither a pleasant nor a 
stimulating moment. The “tumult and the shout- 
ing” have died. The captains, kings — and presidents 
—have departed. War’s hectic urge wanes, losses 
are counted, the heroic pose is dropped. Such is the 
moment when the peoples are bidden to go “over the 
top” once more, this time toward peace objectives no 
less difficult than those of the battle-field. Weakened, 
tired Europe knows this, feels this — ^and dreads the 
plunge into the unknown. Hence the malaise of the 
zero hour. 

The extraordinary turmoil of the European soul is 
strikingly set forth by the French thinker Paul Valery. 

“We civilizations,” he writes, “now know that we 
are mortal. We had heard tell of whole worlds van- 
ished, of empires gone to the bottom with aU their 
engines; stink to the inexplorable bottom of the cen- 
turies with their gods and their laws, their academies, 

* Quoted from The Living Age, ^une 21, 1919, pp. 722-4, 


their science, pure and applied; their grammars, their 
dictionaries, their classics, their romantics and their 
s}anbolists, their critics and their critics’ critics. We 
knew well that all the apparent earth is made of ashes, 
and that ashes have a meaning. We perceived, through 
the mists of history, phantoms and huge ships laden with 
riches and spiritual things. We could not count them. 
But these wrecks, after all, were no concern of ouis. 

“Elam, Nineveh, Babylon were vague and lovely 
names, and the total ruin of these worlds meant as 
little to us as their very existence. But France, Eng- 
land, Russia — ^these would also be lovely names. Lusi- 
tania also is a lovely name. And now we see that the 
abyss of history is large enough for every one. We 
feel that a civilization is as fragile as a hfe. Circum- 
stances which would send the works of Baudelaire 
and Keats to rejoin the works of Menander are no 
longer in the least inconceivable; they are in all the 
newspapera. . . . 

“Thus the spiritual Persepolis is ravaged equaily 
with the material Susa. All is not lost, but everything 
has felt itself perish. 

“An extraordinary tremor has run through the spinal 
marrow of Europe. It has felt, in all its thinking sub- 
stance, that it recognized itself no longer, that it no 
longer resembled itself, that it was about to lose 
consciousness — a consciousness acquired by centuries 
of tolerable disasters, by thousands of men of the first 
rank, by geographical, racial, historical chances in- 
numerable. . . . 


"The militaiy crisis is perhaps at an end; the eco- 
nomic crisis is visibly at its zenith; but the intellectual 
crisis— it is with difficulty that we can seize its true 
centre, its exact phase. The facts, however, are clear 
and pitiless: there are thousands of young writers and 
young artists who are dead. There is the lost illusion 
of a European culture, and the demonstration of the 
impotence of knowledge to save anything whatever; 
there is science, mortally wounded in its moral ambi- 
tions, and, as it were, dishonored by its applications; 
there is idealism, victor with difficulty, grievously muti- 
lated, responsible for its dreams; realism, deceived, 
beaten, with crimes and misdeeds heaped upon it; cov- 
etousness and renunciation equally put out; religions 
confused among the armies, cross against cross, crescent 
against crescent; there are the sceptics themselves, 
disconcerted by events so sudden, so violent, and so 
moving, which play with our thoughts as a cat with a 
mouse — ^the sceptics lose their doubts, rediscover 
them; lose them again, and can no longer make use of 
the movements of their minds. 

“The rolling of the ship has been so heavy that at 
the last the best-hung lamps have been upset. 

“From an inunense terrace of Elsinore which extends 
from Basle to Cologne, and touches the sands of Nieu- 
port, the marshes of the Somme, the chalk of Cham- 
pagne, and the granite of Alsace, the Hamlet of Europe 
now looks upon millions of ghests.”^ 

Such is Europe’s deplorable condition as she staggers 

' Quoted from The Lwing Age^ Nlay 10, 1919, pp. 365-36S. 


forth from the hideous ordeal of the Great War; her 
fluid capital dissipated, her fixed capital impaired, her 
industrial fabric rent and tattered, her finances threat- 
ened with bankruptcy, the flower of her manhood dead 
on the battle-field, her populations devitalized and dis- 
couraged, her children stunted by malnutrition. A 
sombre picture. 

And Europe is the white homeland, the heart of 
the white world. It is Europe that has suffered prac- 
tically all the losses of Armageddon, which may be 
considered the white civil war. The colored world 
remains virtually unscathed. 

Here is the truth of the matter: The white world 
to-day stands at the crossroads of life and death. It 
stands where the Greek world stood at the close of 
the Peloponnesian War. A fever has racked the white 
frame and imdermined its constitution. The unsound 
therapeutics of its diplomatic practitioner’s retard 
convalescence and endanger real recovery. Worst of 
all, the mstinct of race-solidarity has partially ‘atro- 

Grave as is the situation, it is not yet irreparable, 
any more than Greece’s condition was hopeless after 
AEgoqrotami. It was not the Pelopoimesian War 
which sealed Hellas’s doom, but the cycle of political 
anarchy and moral chaos of which the Pelopormesian 
War was merely the opening phase. Our world is too 
vigorous for even the Great War, of itself, to prove 
a mortal wound. 

The white world thus ‘•still has its choice. But it 


must be a positive choice. Decisions— finn decisions 
^must be made. Constructive measures — drastic 
measures — ^must be taken. Above all: time presses, 
and drift is fatal. The tide ebbs. The swimmer must 
put forth strong strokes to reach the shore. Else — 
gwift oblivion in the dark ocean. 



The mstinetive comity of the white peoples is, as I 
have already said, perhaps the greatest constant of 
history. It is the psychological basis of white civiliza- 
tion. Cohesive instinct is as vital to race as gravita- 
tion is to matter. Without them, atomic disintegration 
would alike result. In speaking of race-instinct, I am 
not referring merely to the ethnic theories that have 
been elaborated at various times. Those theories 
were, after all, but attempts to explain intellectually 
the urge of that profound emotion known to sociolo- 
gists as the “consciousness of kind.” 

White race-consciousness has been of course per- 
turbed by numberless internal frictions, which have 
at times produced partial inhibitions of unitary feeling. 
Nevertheless, when really faced by non-white opposi- 
tion, white men have in the past instinctively tended 
to close their ranks against the common foe. One of 
the Great War's most deplorable results has been an 
imprecedented weakening of white solidarity which, 
if not repaired, naay produce the most disastrous con- 

During the nineteenth century the sentiment of 
white solidarity was strong. The great explorers and 
empire-builders who spread white ascendancy to the 




ends of the earth felt that they were apostles of their 
race and civilization as well as of a particular coun- 
tiy. Rivalries might be keen and colonial boundary 
questions acute; nevertheless, in their calmer mo- 
ments, the white peoples felt that the expansion of 
one white nation buttressed the expansion of all. 

Professor Pearson imdoubtedly voiced the spirit of 
the day when he wrote (about 1890) that it would be 
well "if European statesmen could understand that 
the wars which carry desolation into civilized coun- 
tries are allowing the lower races to recruit their num- 
bers and strength. Two centuries hence it may be 
matter of serious concern to the world if Russia has 
been displaced by China on the Amoor, if France has 
not been able to colonize North Africa, or if England 
is not holding India. For civilized men there can be 
only one fatherland, and whatever extends the in- 
fluence of those races that have taken their faith from 
Palestine, their laws of beauty from Greece, and their 
civil* law from Rome, ought to be matter of rejoicing 
to Russian, German, Anglo-Saxon, and Frenchman 

The progress of science also fortified white race-con- 
sciousness with its sanctions. The researches of Euro- 
pean scholars identified the founders of our civilization 
with a race of tall, white-skinned barbarians, possessing 
regular features, brown or blond hair, and light eyes. 
This was, of covuse, what we mow know as the Nordic 
type. At first the problem was ill understood,, the 

‘ Pearson, pp. 14-16. 


tests applied being language and culture rather than 
physical characteristics. For these reasons the early 
“Caucasian” and “Aryan” hypotheses were self-con- 
tradictory and inadequate. Nevertheless, the basis 
was sound, and the effects on white popular psychology 
were excellent. 

Particularly good were the effects upon the peoples 
predominantly of Nordic blood. Obviously typifying 
as they did the prehistoric creators of white civiliza- 
tion, Nordics everywhere were strengthened in con- 
sciousness of genetic worth, feeling of responsibility 
for world-progress, and urge toward fraternal collabora- 
tion. The supreme value of Nordic blood was clearly 
analyzed by the French thinker Count Arthur de Go- 
bineau as early as 1854* (albeit Gobineau employed 
the misleading “Aryan” terminology), and his thesis 
was subsequently elaborated by many other writers, 
notably by Englishmen, Germans, and Scandinavians. 

The results of aU this were plainly apparent by the 
dosing years of the nineteenth centmy. Quickened 
Nordic race-consciousness played an important part 
in stimulating Anglo-American fraternization, and in- 
duced acts like the Oxford Scholarship legacy of Cecil 
Rhodes. The trend of this movement, though cross- 
cut by nationalistic considerations, was clearly in the 
direction of a Nordic entente — ^a Pan-Nordic syndica- 
tion of power for the safeguarding of the race-heritage 
and the harmonious evolution of the whole white world. 

1 His book “De l’In€galit6 de; Races Humaines’’ first appeared at 
that date. 


It waa a ^orious aspiration, which, had it been realized, 
would have averted Armageddon. 

Unforttinately the aspiration remained a dream. 
The ill-balanced tendencies of the late nineteenth 
centuiy were against it, and they ultimately pre- 
vailed. The abnormal growth of national-imperialism, 
in particular, wrought fatal havoc. The exponents of 
imperialistic propagandas like Pan-Germanism and 
Pan-Slavism put forth literally boundless pretensions, 
planning the domination of the entire planet by their 
special brand of national-imperialism. Such men had 
scant regard for race-lines. All who stood outside their 
particular nationalistic group were vowed to the same 

Indeed, the national-imperialists presently seized 
upon race teachings, and prostituted them to their 
own ends. A notable example of this is the extreme 
Pan-German propaganda of Houston Stewart Cham- 
berlain* and his fellows. Chamberlain makes two car- 


dinal assumptions: he conceives modem Germany 
as racially almost purely Nordic; and he regards aU 
Nordics outside the German linguistic-cultural group 
as either unconscious or renegade Teutons who must 
at all costs be brought into the German fold. To any 
one who understands the scientific realities of race, 
the monstrous absurdity of these assumptions is in- 
stantly apparent. The fact is that modem Germany, 


* Especially as expounded in Chamberlain’s chief work, “Die Gnind- 
htgen des neunzehnten Jahrhundeiis” (“The Foundations of the 
Nineteenth Century”). 


far from being purely Nordic, is mainly Alpine in race. 
Nordic blood preponderates only in the northwest, 
and is merely veneered over the rest of Germany, espe- 
cially in the upper classes. While the Germania of 
Roman days was unquestionably a Nordic land, it 
has been computed that of the 70,000,000 inhabitants 
of the German Empno in 1914, only 9,000,000 were 
purely Nordic in charactei*. This displacement of the 
German Nordics since classic times is chiefly due to 
Germany’s troubled liistoiy, especially to the horrible 
Thirty Years’ War which virtually annihilated the 
Nordics of south Germany. This racial displacement 
has wrought correspondingly profound changes in the 
character of the German people. 

The tinth of the matter is, of course, that the Pan- 
Germans were tliinking in terms of nationality instead 
of race, and that they were using pseudo-racial ai’gu- 
ments as camouflage for essentially political ends. The 
pity of it is that these arguments have had such dis- 
astrous repercussions in the genuine racial sphere. The 
late war has not only exploded Pan-Germanism, it has 
also discredited Nordic raco-fcclhig, so unjustly con- 
fused by many persons with Pan-German nationalislie 
propaganda. Such poisons should remember that the 
overwhelming majority of Nordics live outside of Ger- 
many, bemg mainly found in Scandinavia, the Anglo- 
Saxon countries, northern France, the Netherlands, and 
Baltic Russia. To let Tbuton propaganda gull us into 
thinking of Germany as the Nordic fatherland is both 
a danger and an absurdity. 


While Pan-Germanism was mainly responsible for 
precipitating Armageddon with all its disastrous con- 
sequences, it was Russian Pan-Slavism which dealt 
the first shrewd blow to white solidarity. Toward 
the close of the nineteenth centmy, Pan-Slavism’s 
“Eastern” wing, led by Prince Ukhtomsky and other 
chauvinists of his Ok, went so far in its imperialistic 
obsession as actually to deny Russia’s wliite blood. 
These Pan-Slavists boldly proclaimed the morbid, 
mystical dogma that Russia was Asiatic, not Euro- 
pean, and thereupon attempted to seize China as a 
lever for upsetting, first the rest of Asia, and then the 
non-Russian white world — elegantly described as “the 
rotten west.” The white Power immediately menaced 
was, of course, England, who in acute fcai’ for her In- 
dian Empire, promptly riposted by allying herself 
with Japan. Russia was diplomatically isolated and 
militarily beaten in the Russo-Japanese War. Thus 
the Russo-Japanese War, that destroyer of white pres- 
tige .whose ominous results we have alieady noted, 
was precipitated mainly by the reckless short-sighted- 
ness of white men themselves. 

A second blow to white solidarity was presently 
administered — this time by England in concluding 
her second alliance-treaty with Japan. The original 
alliance, signed in 1902, was negotiated for a definite, 
limited objective — ^the checkmating of Russia’s over- 
weening imperialism. Even that instrument was dan- 
gerous, but imder the cii’cumstances it w'as justifiable 
and inevitable. The second* alliance-treaty, however, 


was so general and far-reaching in character that prac- 
tically all white men in the Far East, including most 
emphatically Englishmen themselves, pronounced it 
a great disaster. 

Meanwhile, German imperialism was plotting even 
deadlier strokes at white race-comity, not merely by 
preparing war against white neighbors in Emope, but 
also by ingratiating itself with the Moslem East and 
by toying with schemes for building up a black mili- 
taiy empire in central Africa. 

Lastly, France was actimlly recruiting black, brown, 
and yellow hordes for use on European battle-fields; 
while Italy, by her buccaneering raid on Tripoli, out- 
raged Islam’s sense of justice and strained its patience 
to the breaking-point. 

Thus, in the yearn preceding Armageddon, all the 
Eiu-opean Powers displayed a reckless absorption in 
particularistic ambitions and showed a callous indiffer- 
ence to larger race-interests. The rapid weakening of 
white solidarity was clearly apparent. 

However, white solidarity, though diplomatically 
compromised, was emotionally not yet really imder- 
mined. Those dangerous games above mentioned 
were largely the work of cynical chancelleries and ultra- 
imperialist propagandas. The average European, what- 
ever his nationality, still tended to react instinctively 
against such practices. This was shown by the sharp 
criticism which arose from the most varied quartere. 
For example: Russia and Britain were alike sternly 
taken to task both at hojne and abroad for their re- 



gpective Far Eastern policies; proposed German al- 
liances with Pan-Islamism and Japan preached by 
disciples of Maditpolitik were strenuously opposed as 
race-treason by powerful sections of German thought; 
while Italy’s Tripolitan imbroglio was generally de- 
nounced as the most foolhardy trifling with the com- 
mon European interest. 

A good illustration of instinctive white solidarity 
in the early years of the twentieth century is a French 
journalist’s description of the attitude of the white 
spectators (of various nationalities) gathered to watch 
the landing in Japan of the first Russian prisoners 
taken in the Russo-Japanese War. This writer de- 
picts in moving language the literally horrifying effect 
of the spectacle upon himself and his fellows. “What 
a triumph,” he exclaims, “what a revenge for the 
little Nippons to see thus hmniliated these big, splen- 
did men who, for them, represented, not only Rus- 
sians, but those Europeans whom they so detest ! This 
scene"' tragic in its simplicity, this grief povssing amid 
joy, these whites, vanquished and captives, defiling 
before those free and triumphant yellows — ^this was 
not Russia beaten by Japan, not the defeat of one 
nation by another; it was something new, enormous, 
prodigious; it was the victory of one world over an- 
other; it was the revenge which effaced the centuries 
of humiliations borne by Asia; it was the awakening 
hope of the Oriental peoples;* it was the first blow 
given to the other race, to that accuiscd race of the 
West, which, for so many years, had triumphed with- 


out even having to struggle. And the Japanese crowd 
felt all this, and the few other Asiatics who found them- 
selves there shared in this triumph. The humiliation 
of these whites was solemn, frightful. I eompletely 
forgot that these captives were Russians, and I would 
add that the other Europeans there, though anti-Rus- 
sian, felt the same malaise: they also were forced to 
feel that these captives were their own kind. When 
we took the train for Kob6, an instinctive solidarity 
drove us huddling into the same compartment.”* 

Thus white solidarity, while unquestionably weak- 
ened, was still a weighty factor down to August, 1914. 
But the first shots of Armageddon saw white solidarity 
literally blown from the muzzles of the guns. An ex- 
plosion of internecine hatred burst forth more intense 
and general than any ever known before. Both sets 
of combatants proclaimed a duel to the death; both 
sides vowed the enemy to something near annihilation; 
while even scientists and litterateurs, disrupting the 
ancient commonwealths of wisdom and beauty, put 
one another furiously to the ban. 

In their savage death-grapple neither side hesitated 
for an instant to grasp at any weapon, whatever the 
ultimate consequences to the race. The Allies poured 
into white Europe colored hordes of every pigment 
under the sun; the Teutonic Powers wielded Pan- 
Islam as a besom of wrath to sweep clean every white 
foothold in Hither Asia and North Africa; while far 
and wide over the Dark Continent black armies fought 
for their respective masters — ^and learned the hidden 
* Pinon, ‘‘La Lutte pour le Pacifique,” p. 165. 



weakness of the white man’s power. In the Far East, 
Japan, left to her own devices, bent amorphous China 
to her imperious will, thereby raising up a potential 
menace for the entire earth. Every day the tide of 
intestine hatred within the white world rose higher, 
until the very concept of a common blood and cultural 
' past seemed in danger of being blotted out. 

A symposium of the “hate literature” of the Great 
War is fortunately no part of my task, but the reader 
will readily recall both its abysmal fury and its ir- 
reconcilable implications. The most appalling feature 
was the way in which many writers assumed that this 
state of mind would be permanent; that the end of 
the Great War might be only the begiiming of a war- 
cycle leading to the utter disniption of white solidarity 
and civilization. In the spring of 1916, the London 
Nation remarked gloomily: “Europe is now being 
mentally conceived as inevitably and permanently 
dual. We are ceasing to think of Europe. The normal 
end of war (which is peace) is to be submerged in the 
idea of a war-series indefinitely prolonged. Soon the 
entire Continent will have but one longing — the long- 
ing for rest. The cup is to be dashed from its lips ! 
For a world steeped in fear and ruled by the barren 
logomachy of hate, diplomatic intercourse would al- 
most cease to be possible. ... In the matter of cul- 
ture, modem Europe would tend to relapse to a state 
inferior even to that of mediseyal Europe, and to sink 
far below that of the Renaissance.”^ 

In similar vein, the noted German historian Eduard 
^ The Nation (London), April 8, 1916, pp. 32-33. 


Meyer* predicted that Armageddon was only the fii-st 
of a long series of Anglo-German “Punic Wars in 
which modem civilization would retrograde to a con- 
dition of semi-barbarism. Germany, according to this 
prophecy, would be the victor — ^but a Pyrrhic victor, 
for the colored races, taking advantage of white de- 
cadence, would destroy European supremacy and in- 
volve all the white nations in a common ruin. 

The ulcerated state of European war-psychology 
did, in fact, lend ominous emphasis to these gloomy 
prognostications. Before 1914, as we have seen, 
imperialistic trafficking with common race-interests 
usually roused wide-spread criticism, while even more, 
the use of colored troops in white quarrels always 
roused bitter popular condemnation. In the darkest 
hours of the Boer War, English public opinion had re- 
fused to sanction the use of either black African or 
brown Indian troops against the white foe, while 
French plans for raising black armies of African sav- 
ages for use in Europe were almost universally repro- 
bated. Before Armageddon there thus existed a 
genuine moral repugnance against settling domestic 
differences by calling in the alien without the gates. 

The Great War, however, sent all such scruples 
promptly into the discard. Not only did the belliger- 
ent governments use all the colored troops they could 
equip, but the belligerent peoples hailed this action 

> Eduard Meyer, “En^and: Its Political Organization and Develop- 
ment and the War against Germany" (English translation, Boston, 
1916 ). 


with unqualified approval. The Allies were of course 
the more successful in practice, but the Germans were 
just as eager, and the exertions of the Prussian General 
Liman von Sanders actually got Turkish divisions to 
the European battle-fronts. 

'fhe psychological effect of these colored auxiliaries in 
deepening the hatred of the white combatants was de- 
plorable. Germany’s use of Turks raised among the 
Allies wrathful emotions reminiscent of the Crusades, 
while the havoc wi’ought in the Teutonic ranks by black 
Senegalese and yellow Gurkhas, together with Allied 
utterances like Lord Curzon’s wish to see Bengal lancers 
on the Unter den Linden and Gurkhas camping at 
Sans Souci, so maddened the German people that the 
very suggestion of white solidarity was jeeringly scoffed 
at as the most idiotic sentimentality. 

Here is a Gcnnan officer’s account of a Senegalese 
attack on his position, which vividly depicts the mingled 
horror and fury awakened in German hearts by these 
black, opponents: “They came. First singly, at wide 
intervals. Feeling their way, like the arms of a horrible 
cuttlefish. Eager, grasping, like the claws of a mighty 
monster. Thus they rushed closer, flickering and some- 
times disappearing in the cloud. Entire bodies and 
single limbs, now showing in the harsh glare, now sink- 
ing in the shadows, came nearer and nearer. Strong, 
wild fellows, their log-like, fat, black skulls wrapped in 
pieces of diiliy rags. Showing their grinning teeth like 
panthers, with their bellies drawn in and their necks 
stretched forward. Some vith bayonets on their 


rifles. Many only armed with knives. Monsters all 
in their confused hatred. Frightful their distorted 
dark grimaces. Horrible their unnaturally wide- 
opened, burning, bloodshot eyes. Eyes that seem 
like terrible beings themselves. Like unearthly, hell- 
bom beings. Eyes that seemed to run ahead of their 
owners, lashed, unchained, no longer to be restrained. 
On they came like dogs gone mad and cats spitting and 
yowling, with a burning lust for human blood, with a 
cmel dissemblance of their beastly malice. Behind 
them came the flrst wave of the attackers, in close 
order, a solid, rolling black wall, rising and falling, 
swaying and heaving, impenetrable, endless.”^ 

Here, again, is the proposal of a British officer, to 
raise a million black savages from England’s African 
colonies for use on the Western Front. Major Stuart- 
Stephens exults in Britain’s “almost unlimited reser- 
voir of African man-power.” In northern Nigeria 
alone, he remarks, there are to-day more than 700,000 
warlike tribesmen. “Let them be used!” says the 
major. “These ‘bonny fechters’ are now engaged in 
the pastoral arts of peace. But I would make bold to 
assert that a couple of hundred thousand could, after 
six months’ training, be usefully employed in dare- 
devil charges into German trenches.” Major Stuart- 
Stephens hopes that at least the Sudanese battalions 
will be transferred en masse to the Western Front. 
“This,” he concludes, “^ould mean the placing at once 

* Captain Rbeinhold Eichacker, “The Blacks Attack!” New York 
Times Current History^ vol. XI, pp. 110-112, April-June, 1917. 


in the trenches of, say, 70,000 big, lusty coal-black 
devils, the time of whose life is the wielding of the 
bayonet, and whose advent would not be regarded by 
the Boches as a pleasing omen of more to come of the 
same sort.” ‘ 

The military possibilities are tnily engaging ! There 
are literally tens of millions of fighting blacks and scores 
of millions of fighting Asiatics now living under white 
nile who could conceivably be armed and shipped to 
European battle-fields. After which, of course, Europe, 
the white homeland, would be — ^a queer place. 

Fortunately for our race, the late war did not see 
this sort of thing carried to its logical conclusion. But 
the hami done was bad enough. The white world 
grew accustomed to the use of colored mercenaries and 
to the contracting of alliances with colored peoples 
against white opponents as a mere matter of course. 

The German wai-mind, in particular, teemed with 
colored alliance-projects. Unable to compete with the 
Allies m getting colored troops to Europe, Germans 
planned to revenge themselves in other fields. The 
Turkish alliance and the resulting “Holy War” proc- 
lamation were hailed with delight. “Over there in 
Turkey,” wrote the well-known German publicist 
Ernst Jaeckh, “stretch Anatolia and Mesopotamia: 
Anatolia, the ‘Land of the Sunrise’; Mesopotamia, the 
region of ancient paradise. May these names be to us 
a sign: may this World Wan bring to Germany and 

' Major Domley Sttiart-Stephens,^ “Our Million Black Army,” 
Engliah Review, October, 1916. 


Turkey the sunrise and the paradise of a new time; 
may it confer upon an assured Turkey and a Greater 
Germany the blessing of a fitiitful Turco-Teutonic col- 
laboration in peace after a victorious Turco-Teutonic 
collaboration in war.” ^ 

The scope of Germany’s Asiatic aspirations during 
the war is exemplified by an article from the pen of the 
learned Orientalist Professor Bernhardt Molden.* Ger- 
many’s aid to Turkey, contends Professor Molden, is 
merely symptomatic of her policy to raise the other 
Asiatic peoples now crushed beneath English and Rus- 
sian domination. Thus Germany will create puissant 
allies for the “Second Punic War.” Germany must 
therefore strive to solidify the great Central Asian 
bloc — Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, China. Professor 
Molden urges a “Pan-Asian railroad” from Constan- 
tinople to Peking. This should be especially alluring 
to Afghanistan, which would thereby become one of 
the great pivots of world-politics and trade. In fine: 
“Germany must free Asia.” As another prominent 
German writer, Friedrich Delitzsch, wrote in similar 
vein: “To renovate the East — such is Germany’s 

In such a mood, Germans hailed Japan’s absence of 
genuine hostility with the greatest satisfaction. The 

I Ernst Jaeckh, “Die deutsch-turkische Waffenbrudcrschaft,” p. 30 
(Berlin, 1915). 

•Bernhardt Molden, “Die Bedeutunf; Asiens im Kampf to unserc 
Zukunft,” Preussische Jakrbdiher, December, 1914. See also his 
article “Europa und Asien,” Preussische Jahrbiicher, October, 1915. 

•Friedrich Delitzsch, “Deutschland und Asien” (pamphlet) (Ber- 
lin, 1914). 


gust of rage which swept Germany at Japan’s seizure 
of Kiao-chao w^as soon allayed by numerous writers 
preaching reconciliation and eventual alliance with the 
niistress of the Far East. Typical of this pro-Japanese 
propaganda is an article by Herr J. Witte, a former 
official in the Far East, which appeared in 1915. Herr 
Witte chides his countrymen for their talk about the 
Yellow Peril. Such a peril may exist in the future, but 
it is not pressing at this moment, “at any rate for us 
Germans, who have no great territorial possessions in 
the Far East. . . . We might permit ourselves to speak 
of a Yellow Peril if there was a white solidarity. This, 
however, does not exist. We are leaining this just 
now by bitter experience on our own flesh and blood. 
Our foes have marshalled peoples of all races against 
us in battle. So long as this helps them, all race-an- 
tipathies and race-interests are to them matters of su- 
preme indifference. Under these circumstances, in 
the midst of a life-and-death struggle against the peo- 
ples 0 / the white race, shall we play the r61e of guardian 
angel of these peoples against the yellow peoples? 
For us, as Germans, there is now only one supreme 
life-interest, to which all other interests must be sub- 
ordinated: the safety and advancement of Germany 
and of Deutschtum in the world.” Herr Witte there- 
fore advocates a “close political understanding be- 
tween Germany and Japan. In future we can accom- 
plish nothing in the teeth of, Japan. Therefore we 
must get on good terms with Japan. And we can do 
it, too. Germany is, in fact, the country above all 


others who in the future has the best prospect of ally- 
ing herself advantageously with the Far Eastern peo- 
ples.” * 

And so it went throughout the war-years: both sides 
using all possible colored aid to down the white foe; 
both sides alike reckless of the ultimate racial conse- 

In fact, leaving ultimate consequences aside, many 
persons feared during the later phases of the war that 
Europe might be headed for immediate dissolution. 
As early as mid-1916. Lord Loreburn expressed appre- 
hension lest the war was entailing general bankruptcy 
and “such a destruction of the male youth of Europe 
as will break the thin crust of civilization which has 
been built up since the Dark Ages.”® These fears 
were intensified by the Russian revolution of 1917, 
with its hideous corollary of Bolshevism which def- 
initely triumphed before the close of that year. The 
Bolshevik triumph evoked despairing predictions like 
Lord Lansdowne’s: “We are not going to loso this 
war, but its prolongation will ^ell min for the civilized 

Well, the war was prolonged for another year, end- 
ing in the triumph of the Allies and America, though 
leaving Europe in the deploiuble condition reviewed 
in the preceding chapter. The hopes of mankind 

^Lic. Missionsinspektor J. Witte, ‘‘Deutschland und die Volker 
Ostasiens in Vergangenheit usd Zukunft,” Preussische JahrbucheT, 
May, 1915. 

^ The Economiet (London), June 17, 1916, p. 1134. 

• The Literary Digest^ December 15, 1917, p. 14. 


were now centred on the Peace Conference, but these 
hopes were oversanguine, for the Versailles “settle- 
ment” was riddled with political and economic imper- 
fections from the Saar to Shantung. 

This was what a sceptical minority had feared from 
the first. At the very beginning of the war, for in- 
stance, the French publicist Urbain Gohier had pre- 
dicted that when the diplomats gathered at the end 
of the conflict they would find the problem of construc- 
tive settlement insoluble.* 

Most persons, however, had been more hopeful. 
Disappointment and disillusionment were therefore 
correspondingly intense. The majority of liberal- 
minded, forward-looking men and women throughout 
the world deplored the Versailles settlement’s faulty 
character, some, however, accepting the situation as 
the best of a bad business, others entirely repudiating 
it on the ground that by crystallizing an intolerable 
status it would entail worse disasters in the near future. 

General Smuts, the South African delegate to the 
Conference, well represents the first attitude. In a 
formal protest against the Versailles settlement, Gen- 
eral Smuts stated : “ I have signed the peace treaty, not 
because I consider it a satisfactory document, but be- 
cause it is imperatively necessary to close the war; be- 
cause the world needs peace above all, and nothing 
could be more fatal than the continuance of the state 
of suspense betw'een war and»peace. The six months 
since the armistice was signed have, perhaps, been as 

‘ Th& Literary Digestf DeiJmber 15, 1914, p. 14. 


upsetting, unsettling, and ruinous to Europe as the 
previous four years of war. I look upon the peace 
treaty as the close of these two chapters of war and 
armistice, and only on that ground do I agree to it. I 
say this now, not in criticism, but in faith; not be- 
cause I wish to find fault with the work done, but rather 
because I feel that in the treaty we have not yet 
achieved the real peace to which our peoples were look- 
ing, and because I feel that the real work of making 
peace will only begin after this treaty has been signed, 
and a definite halt has thereby been called to the de- 
structive passions that have been desolating Europe 
for nearly five years.”* 

The English economist J. L, Garvin, who, like Gen- 
eral Smuts, accepted the treaty faute de mimx, makes 
these trenchant comments upon the settlement itself: 
“ Derisive human genius surveying with pity and laugh- 
ter the present state of mankind and some of the ob- 
solete means adopted at Paris to remedy it, might do 
most good by another satire like Rabelais, Gulliver, 
or Candide. But let us put from us here the temptar 
tion to conjure up vistas of the grotesque. Let us 
pursue these plain studies in common sense. A treaty 
even when signed is paper. It is in itself inoperative 
without the action or control of living forces which 
it seeks to express or repress. Treaties not drawn 
against sound and certain assets may be dishonored 
in the sequel like bad checks or bills. You do not get 
peace merely by putting it on paper. And, much more 
I Official document. 



to the point, all that is called peace does not necessarily 
spell prosperity any more than all that glitters is gold. 
You can ‘make a solitude and call it peace.’ The 
quintessence of death or stupefaction resembles a kind 
of peace. You can prolong relative stagnation and 
depression and yet say that it is peace. But that 
would not be the reconciling and lasting, the construc- 
tive and the creative peace, as it was visioned by the 
Allied peoples in their greatest moments of insight and 
inspiration during the war. For that higher and wiser 
thing we lavished our pent-up energies and the accumu- 
lated treasure of a hundred years, and sent so many of 
our best to dic.”‘ 

That veteran student of world-politics Doctor E. J. 
Dillon put the matter succinctly when he wrote: “The 
peace is being made not, as originally projected, on the 
basis of the fourteen points, nor on the lines of terri- 
torial equilibrium, but by a compromise which misses 
the advantage of either, and combines certain evils of 
both.* The treaty has failed to lay the axe to the roots 
of war, has perhaps increased their number while pur- 
porting to destroy them. The germs of future conflicts, 
not only between the recent belligerents, but also be- 
tween other groups of states, arc numerous, and if 
present symptoms may be trusted will sprout up in 
the fulness of time.’’® 

The badness of the Vemaillcs treaties is nowhere 

' J. L. Garvin, “The Heritage of Arhiagcddon,“ The Observer (Lon- 
don). Reprinted in The Living Age^ September 6, 1919. 

® In The Daily Telegraph (London). Quoted in The Nation (New 
York), June 14, 1919, p. 960, 


more manifest than in the way they have alienated 
idealistic support and enthusiasm from the inchoate 
League of Nations. Multitudes of persons once zealous 
Leaguers now feel that the League has no moral foun- 
dation. Such persons contend that even were the 
covenant theoretically perfect, the League could no 
more succeed on the basis of the present peace settle- 
ment than a flawlessly designed palace could be erected 
if superimposed upon a quicksand. 

Europe is thus in evil case. Her statesmen have 
failed to formulate a constmetive settlement. Old 
problems remain unsolved while fresh problems arise. 
The danger is redoubled by the fact that both Europe, 
and the entire world are faced with a new peril — Bol- 
shevism. The menace of Bolshevism is simply in- 
calculable. Bolshevism is a peril in some ways unprec- 
edented in the world’s history. It is not merely a 
war against a social system, not merely a war against 
our civilization; it is a war of the hand against the 
brain. For the first time since man was man there is 
a definite schism between the hand and the head. 
Every principle which mankind has thus far evolved: 
community of interest, the solidaiity of civilization and 
culture, the dignity of labor, of muscle, of brawTi, 
dominated and illumined by intellect and spirit— all 
these Bolshevism howls down and tramples in the mud. 

Bolshevism’s cai’dinal tenets — the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, and the destruction of the “classes” 
by social war — ^are of traly hideous import. The 
“classes,” as conceived by Bolshevism, are very numer- 


ous. They comprise not merely the “idle rich,” but 
also the whole of the upper and middle social strata, the 
landowning country folk, the skilled working men; in 
shorty all except those who work with their imtutored 
hands, phis the elect few who philosophize for those who 
work wfth their untutored hands. 

The effect of such ideas, if successful, not only on 
our civilization, but also on the veiy fibre of the race, 
can be imagined. The death or degradation of nearly 
all persons displaying constructive ability, and the 
t 3 n’anny of the ignorant and anti-social elements, 
would be the most gigantic triumph of disgenics ever 
seen. Beside it the ill effects of war would pale into 
insignificance. Civilization would wither like a plant 
stricken by blight, while the race, summarily drained 
of its good blood, would sink like lead into the depths 
of degenerate barbaiism. 

This is precisely what is occurring in Russia to-day. 
Bolshevism has ruled Russia less than three years — 
and Russia is rained. She ekes out a bare existence on 
the remains of past accumulations, on the surviving 
scraps of her material and spiritual capital. Every- 
where are hunger, cold, disease, terror, physical and 
moral death. The “proletariat” is making its “clean 
sweep.” The “classes” arc being systematically elim- 
inated by execution, massacre, and starvation. The 
racial impoverishment is simply incalculable. Mean- 
while Lenine, surrounded by Jiis Chinese executioners, 
sits behind the Kremlin walls, a modern Jenghiz Khan 
plotting the plunder of a world. 


Lenine’s Chinese “braves” are merely symptomatic 
of the intrigues which Bolshevism is canying on 
throughout the non-white world. Bolshevism is, in 
fact, as anti-racial as it is anti-social. To the Bolshe- 
vik mind, with its furious hatred of constructive ability 
and its fanatical determination to enforce levelling, pro- 
letarian equality, the very existence of superior biolog- 
ical values is a crime. Bolshevism has vowed the prole- 
tarianization of the world, beginning with the white 
peoples. To this end it not only foments social revolu- 
tion within the white world itself, but it also seeks to 
enlist the colored races in its grand assault on civiliza- 
tion. The rulers of Soviet Russia are well aware of the 
profound ferment now going on in colored lands. They 
watch this ferment with the same terrible glee that 
they watched the Great War and the fiasco of Ver- 
sailles — and they plot to turn it to the same profit. 

Accordingly, in every quarter of the globe, in Asia, 
Africa, Latin America, and the United States, Bol- 
shevik agitators whisper in the ears of discontented 
colored men their gospel of hatred and revenge. Every 
nationalist aspiration, every political grievance, every 
social discrimination, is fuel for Bolshevism's hellish 
incitement to racial as well as to class war. 

And this Bolshevik propaganda has not been in 
vain. Its results already show in the most diverse 
quarters, and they are ominous for the future. China, 
Japan, Afghanistan, Irjdia, Java, Persia, Turkey, 
Egypt, Brazil, Chile, Peru, Mexico, and the “black 
belts” of our own United States: here is a partial 


list of the lands where the Bolshevik leaven in color 
is clearly at work. 

Bolshevism thus reveals itself as the arch-enemy of 
civilization and the race. Bolshevism is the renegade, 
the traitor within the gates, who would betray the 
citadel, degrade the very fibre of our being, and tilti- 
mately hurl a rebarbarized, racially impoverished 
world into the most debased and hopeless of mon- 

Therefore, Bolshevism must be crushed out with 
iron heels, no matter what the cost. If this means 
more war, let it mean more war. We know only too 
well war’s dreadful toll, particularly on racial values. 
But what war-losses could compare with the losses 
inflicted by the living death of Bolshevism? There 
are some things worse than war, and Bolshevism stands 
foremost among those dread alternatives. 

So ends our survey of the white world as it emerges 
from the Great War. The prospect is not a brilliant 
one. 'Weakened and impoverished by Armageddon, 
handicapped by an unconstructive peace, and facing 
internal Bolshevist disaffection which must at all costs 
be mastered, the white world is ill-prepared to con- 
front — ^the rising tide of color. What that tide por- 
tends wiU be the subject of the concluding chapters. 

PART in 



In my first chapter I showed that the rising tide of 
color to-day finds itself confronted by dikes erected 
by the white race during the centuries of its expan- 
sion. The reader will also remember that white ex- 
pansion has taken two forms; settlement and polit- 
ical control. These two phases differ profoundly in 
character. Areas of settlement like North America 
have become integral portions of the white world. On 
the other hand, regions of political control like India 
are merely white dependencies, highly valuable per- 
haps, yet in the last analysis held by title of the swoid. 

Between these clearly contrasted categoiies lies an 
intermediate class of territories typified by South Africa, 
wher« whites have settled in large numbers without 
displacing the native populations. Lastly, there exist 
certain white territories which may be called “en- 
claves.” These enclaves have become thorou^y 
white by settlement, yet they are so distant from the 
main body of the white world and so contiguous to 
colored race-areas that white tenure does not possess 
that security which settlement and displacement of 
the aborigines normally confer. Australia typifies 
this anomalous class of cases. 

The white defenses ag.ainst the colored tide can be 



divided into what may be tenned the “outer” and 
the “inner” dikes. The outer dikes (the regions of 
white poKtical control) contain no settled white popula- 
tion, so that their abandonment, whatever the political 
or economic loss, would not directly affect white race- 
integrity. The question of their retention or aban- 
donment should therefore (save in a few exceptional 
cases) be judged by political, economic, or strategic 
considerations. The inner dikes (the areas of white 
settlement), however, are a very different matter. 
Peopled as they are wholly or largely by whites, they 
have become parts of the race-heritage, which should 
be defended to the last extremity no matter if the costs 
involved are greater than their mere economic value 
would warrant. They are the true bulwarks of the 
race, the patrimony of future generations who have 
a right to demand of us that they shall be bom white 
in a white man’s land. Ill will it fare if ever our race 
^ould close its ears to this most elemental call of the 
blood. Then, indeed, would be manifest the writing 
on the wall. 

That issue, however, is reserved for the next chap- 
ter. Let us here examine the matter of the outer dikes 
— ^the regions of white political control. There, where 
the white man is not settler but suzerain, liis suzerainty 
should, in the last analysis, depend on the character 
of the inhabitants. 

Right here, let us clear away the doctrinaire pedantrj' 
that commonly obscures discussion about the retention 
or abandonment of white political control over racially 


non-white regions. Argument usually tends to crystal- 
lize around two antitheses. On the one side are the 
doctrinaire liberals, who maintain the “imprescriptible 
right” of every human group to attain independence, 
and of every sovereign state to retain independence. 
On the opposite side arc the doctrinaire imperialists, 
who maintain the equally imprescriptible right of their 
particular nation to “vital expansion” regardless of 
injuries thereby inflicted upon other nations. 

Now I submit that both these assumptions are un- 
warranted. There is no “imprescriptible right” to 
either independence or empire. It depends on the 
realities of each particular case. The extreme cases 
at either end of the scale can be adjudged offhand by 
ordinary common sense. No one except a doctrinaire 
liberal would be likely to assert that the Andaman 
Islanders had an imprescriptible right to independence, 
or that Haiti, which owed its independence only to a 
turn in European politics,^ should forever remain a 
sovereign — ^international nuisance. On the other hand, 
the whole world (with the exception of Teutonic im- 
perialists) denounced Germany’s attempt to swallow 

‘ Despite the legends which have grown up about the gaining of 
Haitian independence, such is the fact. Despite the handicap of ycUow 
fever, the French were on the point of stamping out the negro insurgents 
when the renewal of war wil.h England, in 1803, cut off the French sea- 
communications. The story of Haiti offers many interesting and in- 
structive points to the student of race-questions. It was the first real 
shock between the ideals of white supremacy and race-equality; a 
prologue to the mighty drama of our own day. It also shows what real 
race-war means. To the historical student I cite my “French Revolu- 
tion in San Domingo” (Boston, 1914), wherein the entire revolutionary 
cycle between 1789 and 1804 is described, based largely upon hitherto 
unexploited archival material. 


highly civilized Belgium as a crime against human- 

In other words: realities, not abstract theories, 
decide. That does not please the doctrinaires, who 
insist on setting up Procrustean beds of theoiy on which 
realities should be racked or crammed. It does, how- 
ever, conform to the dictates of nature, which decree 
that what is attuned shall live while the disharmonic 
and degenerate shall pass away. And nature usually 
has the last word. 

Surveying the regions of white political control over 
non-white peoples in this realistic way, thereby avoid- 
ing the pitfalls of doctrinaire theoiy and blind prej- 
udice, we may arrive at a series of conclusions which, 
though lacking the trim symmetry of the idcalogue, 
will correspond to the facts in the various cases. 

One thing is certain: the white man will have to 
recognize that the practically absolute world-dominion 
which he exercised during the nineteenth century can 
no longer be maintained. Largely because of 'that 
very dominion, colored races have been drawn out of 
their traditional isolation and have been quickened 
by white ideas, while the life-conserving nature of 
white rule has everywhere favored colored multiplica- 
tion. These factors have combined to produce a wide- 
^read ferment which has been clearly visible for the 
past two decades, and which is destined to grow more 
acute in the near future. 

This ferment would have developed even if the Great 
War had never occurred. However, the white world’s 
weakening through Armageddon has immensely ac- 



celerated the process and has opened up the possibility 
of violent “short cuts” which would have mutually 
disastrous consequences. Especially lias it evoked in 
bellicose and fanatical minds the vasion of a “Pan- 
Colored” alliance for the univei-sal overthrow of white 
hegemony at a single stroke — ^a dream which would turn 
into a nightmare of race-war beside which the late 
struggle in Europe would seem the veriest child’s 

The effective centres of colored unrest are the brown 
and yellow worlds of Asia. Both those worlds are not 
merely in negative opposition to white hegemony, but 
are experiencing a real renaissance whose genuineness 
is best attested by the fact that it is a faitliful replica 
of similar movements in post times. Wliitc men must 
get out of their heads the idea tlmt Asiatics are neces- 
sarily “inferior.” As a matter of fact, while Asiatics 
do not seem to possess that sustained constructive 
power with which the whites, particularly the Nordics, 
are -endowed, the browns and yellows are yet gifted 
peoples who have profoimdly influenced human prog- 
ress in the past and who undoubtedly will contribute 
much to world-civilization. The Asiatics have by 
their own efforts built up admirable cultures rooted in 
remote antiquity and worthy of all respect. They 
are to-day once more displaying their imiate capacity 
by not merely adopting, but adapting, wliite ideas 
and methods. That this profound Asiatic renaissance 
will eventually result in the substantial elimination of 
white political control from -Anatolia to the Philippines 
is as natural as it is inevitable. 


This does not mean a precipitate white “scuttle” 
from Aaa. Far from it. It does mean, however, a 
candid facing of realities and a basing of policy on 
realities rather than on prepossessions or prejudices. 
Unless the white man does this, he will injure himself 
more than any one else. If Asia is to-day really 
renascent, Asia will iiltimately reap the political fruits. 
Men worthy of independence will sooner or later get 
independence. This is as certain as is the converse 
truth that men imworthy of independence, though 
th^ cry for it never so loudly, will either remain 
subject or will quickly relapse into subjection should 
they by some lucky circumstance obtain what they 
could only misuse. 

If, then, Asia deserves to be free, she will be free. 
The only question is, how she will attain her freedom. 
Shall it be an evolutionary process, in the main peace- 
ful, based upon mutual respect, with mutual recogni- 
tion of both increasing Asiatic fitness and white vested 
interests? Or shall it come through cataclysmic sev- 
olution? This is the dilemma which those imperial- 
ists should ponder who object to any relaxation of white 
political control over Asia because of the “value” of 
the subject regions. That white control over Asiatic 
lands has been, and still is, immensely profitable, can- 
not be denied. But what basis for this value is there 
except lack of effective opposition? If real, sustained 
opposition now develops, if subject Asia becomes 
chronically rebellious, if its peoples resolutely boy- 
cott white goods — ^as China and India have shown 



Asiatics capable of doing, will not white control be 
transformed from an asset into a liability ? Above all, 
let us remember that no race-values are involved. No 
white race-areas would have to be abandoned to non- 
white domination. White control over Asia is politi- 
cal, and can thus be judged by the criteria of material 
interest undisturbed by the categorical imperative of 

The need for sympathetic open-mindedness toward 
awakening Asia if cataclysmic disasters are to be 
averted becomes all the clearer when we realize that 
on important issues lying outside Asia the white world 
must resolutely oppose Asiatic desires. We whites 
should bo the more generous in our attitude toward 
Asia because imperative reasons of self-protection re- 
quire us to deny to Asiatics some of their best oppor- 
tunities in the outer world. 

In my opening chapters I discussed the rapid growiih 
of Asiatic populations and the resultant steadily aug- 
menting outward tlirust of surplus Asiatics (princi- 
pally yellow men, but also in lesser degree brown men) 
from overcrowded homelands toward the less-crowded 
regions of the earth. It is, in fact, Asiatics, and above 
all Mongolian Asiatics, who form the first waves of the 
rising tide of color. Unfortunately, the white world 
cannot permit this rising tide free scope. White men 
cannot, under peril of their very race-existence, allow 
wholesale Asiatic immigration into white race-areas. 
This prohibition, which will be discussed in the next 
chapter, is already a serioutf blow to Asiatic aspirations- 


But the matter does not end there. The white 
world also cannot permit with safety to itself whole- 
sale Asiatic penetration of non-Asiatic colored regions 
like black Africa and tropical Latin America. To per- 
mit Asiatic colonization and ultimate control of those 
vast territories with their incalculable resources would 
be to overturn in favor of Asia the political, the eco- 
nomic, and eventually the racial balance of power in 
the world. At present the white man controls these 
regions. And he must stand fast. No other coui’se 
is possible. Neither black Africa nor mongrel-ruled 
tropical America can stand alone. If the white man 
goes, the Asiatic comes — ^browns to Africa, yellows to 
Latin America. And there is no reason under heaven 
why we whites should deliberately present Asia with 
the richest regions of the tropics, to our own impover- 
ishment and probable undoing. 

Our race-duty is therefore clear. We must resolutely 
oppose both Asiatic permeation of wliite race-areas 
and Asiatic inundation of those non-white, but equally 
non-Asiatic, regions inhabited by the really inferior 
races. But we should also recognize that by taking 
this attitude w'e debar Asiatics from golden opportuni- 
ties and render impossible the realization of aspirations 
intrinsically just as normal and laudable as our own. 
And, having closed in their faces so many doors of 
hope, can we refuse to discuss with gifted and capable 
Asiatics the problem of tunung over to them the keys 
of their own house without causing festering hatreds 



whose poison may spread far beyond Asia into other 
colored lands and possibly into white lands as well? 
Neither a Pan-Colored nor a Colored-Bolshevist alliance 
are impossibilities, far-fetched though these terms 
may sound. 

The fact is, we whites are in no position to indulge 
in the luxury of Bourbonism. Weakened by Arma- 
geddon, hampered by Vereailles, and harassed by 
Bolshevism, the white world can ill afford to flout 
legitimate Asiatic a^irations to independence. Our 
imperialists may argue that this means abandoning 
“outer dikes,” but I contend that white positions in 
Asia are not protective dilces but strategic block- 
houses, built upon the sands during the long Asiatic 
ebb-tide, and which the now rising Asiatic waves must 
ultimately engulf. Is it not the part of wisdom to 
quit these outposts before they collapse into the swirl- 
ing waters? Our true “outer dikes” stand, not in 
Asia, but in Africa and Latin America. Let us not 
exhaust ourselves by stubborn resistance in Asia which 
in the end must prove futile. Let us conserve our 
strength, remembering that by the time Asia has been 
submerged the flood shoidd have lost much of its pent- 
up power. , 

Particularly should this be true of the moral “im- 
ponderables.” By taking a reasonable, conciliatoiy 
attitude toward Asiatic aspirations to independence 
we would thereby eliminate the moral factors in Asia’s 
present hostility toward ourselves. Many Asiatics 


would still be our foes from resentment at balked ex- 
pansion, but we should have separated the sheep from 
the goats. 

And the sheep are the more numerous. There are 
of course irrcconcilables like Japanese imperialists and 
Pan-Islamic fanatics who would like to upset the whole 
world. However, taken by and large, Asia is peopled 
neither by fire-eating jingoes nor howling dervishes. 
The average Asiatic is by nature less restless, less am- 
bitious, and consequently less aggressive than our- 
selves. To-day Asiatics are everyvv'here aroused by a 
whole complex of stimuli like overcrowding, white 
domination, and white denial of nationalistic aspira- 
tions, to an access of hatred and fury. Those last- 
mentioned stimuli to anti-white hostility we can re- 
move. The first-mentioned cause of hostility — over- 
population — ^we cannot remove. Only the Asiatic 
himself can do that by controlling his reckless procrea- 
tion. Of course over-population is of itself a suflS- 
ciently serious provoker of trouble. There is no' more 
certain breeder of strife than the expansive urge of a 
fast-breeding people. Nevertheless, this hostile stimu- 
lus applies prunarily to yellow Asia. Brown Asia, 
once free or clearly on the road to freedom, would be 
either satisfied or engrossed in its intestine broils. 
At any rate, the twin spectres of a Pan-Asian or a 
Pan-Colored alliance would probably vanish like a 
mirage of the desert, and the white world would be far 
better able to deal with yellow pressure on its race- 


frontiers — ^no light task, weakened and distracted as 
the white world finds itself to-day. 

Unfortunately, no such wise foresight seems to have 
been vouchsafed our statesmen. Imperialistic secret 
treaties formed the basis for Versailles’s treatment of 
Asiatic questions, and those treaties were drawn pre- 
cisely as though Armageddon were a skirmish and 
Asia the sleeping giant of a centuiy ago. Upon the 
brown world, in particular, white domhiation was 
riveted rather than relaxed. 

This amazing disregard of present-day realities au- 
gurs iU for the future. Indeed, its evil first-finits are 
aheady apparent. The brown world, convinced that 
its aspirations can be realized only by force, turns to 
the yellow world and listens to Bolshevik propaganda, 
while Pan-Islamism redoubles its efforts in Africa. 

Thus is once more manifest the diplomatic bank- 
raptcy of Vei'sailles. The white man, like King 
Canute, seats himself upon the tidal sands and bids 
the waves be stayed. He wiU be lucky if he escapes 
merely with wet shoes. 


We come now to the frontiers of the white world— 
to its true frontiers, marked, not by boundary-stones, 
but by flesh and blood. These frontiers are not con- 
tinuous: far from the European homeland, some run 
in remote quarters of the earth, sundered by vast 
stretches of ocean and connected only by the slate- 
gray thread of sea-power — ^the master-talisman which 
the white man still grasps firmly in his hand. 

But against these race-frontiers — these “inner dikes” 
— ^the rising tide of color has for decades been beating, 
and will beat yet more fiercely as congesting population, 
quickened self-consciousness, and heightened sense of 
power impel the colored world to expansion and do- 
minion. Above the eastern horizon the dark storm- 
clouds lower, and the weakened, distracted white world 
must soon face a colored peril threatening its integrity 
and perhaps its existence. This colored peril has three 
facets: the peril of arms, the peril of markets, and the 
peril of migration. All three contain ominous potenti- 
alities, both singly and in combination. Let us review 
them in turn, to appraise their dynamic possibilities. 

First, the peril of arms. The military potencies of 
the colored races have been the subject of earnest, and 
frequently alarmist, speeulation for the past twenty 



years, particularly since the Russo-Japanese War. 
The exciting effects of Pan-Islamism upon the warlike 
peoples of Asia and Africa have been frequently dis- 
cussed, while the “Yellow Peril” has long been a 
journalistic commonplace. 

How shall we appraise the colored peril of arms ? On 
the whole, it would appear as though the colored mili- 
taiy danger, in its isolated, purely aggressive aspect, 
had been exaggerated. Visions of a united Asia, ris- 
ing suddenly in fanatic frenzy and hurling brown and 
yellow myriads upon the while West seem to be the 
products of superheated imaginations. I say “seem,” 
because there are unquestionably mysterious emotional 
depths in the Asiatic soul which may yet justify the 
prophets of cataclysmic war. As Hyndman says: 
“With all the facts before us, and with prejudice 
thrown aside, we are still unable to lay bare the causes 
of the gigantic Asian movements of the past. They 
were certainly not all economic in their origin, unless 
wc stretch the boundaries of theory so far as to include 
the massacre of whole populations and the destruction 
of their wealth within the limits of the invaders’ desire 
for material gain. And, whether these movements 
arose from material or emotional causes, they have 
been before, and they may occur again. Forecast here 
is impossible. A new Mohammed is quite as hkely to 
Make his appearance as a new Buddha, a reborn Con- 
fucius, or a modern Christ. '. . . Asia raided and 
scourged Europe for more than a thousand years. 
Now, for five hundred years, the counter-attack of 


Europe upon Asia has been steadily going on, and it 
may be that the land of long memories will cherish some 
desire to avenge this period of wrong and rapine in 
turn. The seed of hatred has already been but too 
well sown.”* 

Of coTorse, on this particular point, forecast is, in- 
deed, impossible. Nevertheless, the point should be 
noted, for Asiatic war-fever may appear, if not in 
isolation, then in conjimction with other stimuli to 
warlike action, like population-pressm-e or imperialistic 
ambition, which to-day exist and whose amplitude can 
be approximately gauged. We have already analyzed 
the military potencies of Pan-Islamism and Japan, and 
China also should not be forgotten. Pacifist though 
China has long been, she has had her bellicose moments 
in the past and may have them in the future. Should 
this occur, China, as the world’s greatest reservoir of 
intelligent man-power, would be immensely formidable. 
Pearson visualizes a China “become an aggressive 
militaiy power, sending out her armies in millions to 
cross the Himalayas and traverse the Steppes, or 
occupying the islands and the northern parts of Aus- 
tralia, by pouring in immigi’ants protected by fleets. 
Luther’s old name for the Turks, that they were 'the 
people of the wrath of God,’ may receive a new and 
terrible application.”* 

Granted that the Chinese will never become the 


' H. M. Hyndman, "The Awakening of Asia,” pp. 267-S. (New 
York, 1919). 

* Pearson, pp. 140-1. 



fighting equals of the world’s warrior races, their in- 
credible numbers combined with their tenacious vital- 
ity might overcome opponents individually their su- 
periors. Says Professor Ross: “To the West the 
toughness of the Chinese physique may have a sinister 
militaiy significance. Nobody fears lest in a stand-up 
fight Chinese troops could whip an equal number of 
well-conditioned white troops. But few battles are 
fought by men fresh from tent and mess. In the course 
of a prolonged campaign involving irregular provision- 
ing, bad drinking-water, lying out, loss of sleep, e.x- 
hausting marches, exposure, excitement, and anxiety, 
it may be that the white soldiers would be worn down 
worse than the yellow soldiers. In that case the har- 
dier men with less of the martial spirit might in the 
closing grapple beat the better fighters with the less 
endurance.” * 

The potentialities of the Cliinesc soldier would ac- 
quire vastly greater significance if China should be 
thoroughly subjugated by, or solidly leagued to, ambi- 
tious* and militaristic Japan. The combined military 
energies of the Far East, welded into an aggi e.ssive 
unity, would be a weapon of tremendous striking-power. 

The colored peril of arms may thus be summarized: 
The brown and yellow races possess great militarj' po- 
tentialities. These (barring the action of certain ill- 
understood emotional stimuli) are unlikely to flame 
out in spontaneous fanaticism; but, on the other hand, 

•Edward Alsworth Ross, “The Changins Chme8e,”.pp. 46-47 (New 
York, 1911). 


th^ axe very likely to be mobilized for political rea- 
sons like revolt against white dominion or for social 
reasons like over-population. The black race offers no 
real danger except as the tool of Pan-Islamism. As 
for the red men of the Americas, they are of merely 
local significance. 

We are now ready to examine the economic facet of 
the colored peril: the industrial-mercantile phase. 
In the second part of this volume I showed the pro- 
foimd effect of the “industrial revolution” in furthering 
white world-supremacy, and I pointed out the tremen- 
dous advantages accruing to the white world from ex- 
ploitation of undeveloped colored lands and from ex- 
ports of manufactured goods to colored markets. The 
prodigious wealth thereby amassed has been a prime 
cause of white prosperity, has buttressed the main- 
tenance of white world-hegemony, and has made 
possible much of the prodigious increase of white popu- 

We little realize what the loss of these advantages 
would mean. As a matter of fact, it would mean 
throughout the white world diminished prosperity, 
lessened political and military strength, and such rela- 
tive economic and social stagnation as would depress 
national vigor and check population. It is even possi- 
ble to visualize a white world reverting to the condition 
of Europe in the fifteenth century — ^thrown back upon 
itself, on the defensive, and with a static rather than 
a progressive civilization. Such conditions could of 
course occur only as the result of colored military and 


industrial triumphs of the most sweeping character. 
But the possibility exists, nevertheless, as I shall en- 
deavor to show. 

Down to the close of the nineteenth century white 
supremacy was as absolute in industiy as it was in 
politics and war. Even the civilized brown and yellow 
peoples were negligible from the industrial point of 
view. Asia was economically on an agricultiu’al basis. 
Such industries as she possessed were still in the “house- 
industry” stage, and her products, while often exquisite 
in quality, were produced by such slow, antiquated 
methods that their quantity was limited and their 
market-price relatively high. Despite very low wages, 
Asiatic products not only could not compete in the 
world-market with Eui’opean and American machine- 
made, mass-produced articles, but were hard hit in 
their home-markets as well. The way in wliich an 
ancient Asiatic handicraft like the Indian textiles was 
literally annihilated by the destructive competition of 
Lancashire cottons is only one of many similar instances. 

With the beginning of the twentieth centuiy, how- 
ever, Asia began to show signs of an economic activity 
as striking in its way as the activity which Asia was 
displaying in idealistic and political fields. Japan had 
already laid the foundations of her flourishing indus- 
trial life based on the most up-to-date Western models, 
while in other Asiatic lands, notably in China and 
India, the whir of machinery and the smoke of tall 
factory chinmeys proclaimed tliat the East was fathom- 
ing the industrial secrets of the West. 


What Asiatics were seeking in their industrial re- 
vival was well expressed a decade ago by a Hindu, 
who wrote in a leading Indian periodical: “In one 
respect the Orient is really menacing the West, and 
so earnest and open-minded is Asia that no pretense 
or apology whatever is made about it. The Easterner 
has thrown down the industrial gantlet, and from 
now on Asia is destined to witness a progressively in- 
tense trade warfare, the Occidental scrambling to re- 
tain his hold on the markets of the East, and the Orien- 
tal endeavoring to beat him in a battle in which here- 
tofore he has been an easy victor. ... In competing 
with the Occidental commercialists, the Oriental has 
awakened to a dynamic realization of the futility of 
pitting unimproved machinery and methods against 
modem methods and appliances. Casting aside his 
former sense of self-complacency, he is studying the 
sciences and arts that have given the West its material 
prosperity. He is putting the results of his investi- 
gations to practical use, as a rule, recasting the Occi- 
dental methods and tools to suit his peculiar needs, 
and in some instances improving upon them.”* 

The accuracy of this Hindu statement of Asia’s in- 
dustrial awakening is indorsed by the statements of 
white observers. At the very moment when the above 
article was penned, an American economic writer, Clar- 
ence Poe, was making a study tour of the Orient, from 
which he brought back the following report: “The 

‘ The Literary Digea, November 5, 1810, p. 786 (from The Indiaa] 
Review, Madras). 


real cause of Asia’s poverty lies in just two things: 
the failure of Asiatic governments to educate their 
people, and the failure of the people to increase their 
productive capacity by the use of machinery. Igno- 
rance and lack of machineiy are responsible for Asia’s 
poverty; knowledge and modem tools are responsible 
for America’s prosperity.” But, continues Mr. Poe, 
we must watch out. Asia now realizes these things 
and is doing much to remedy the situation. Hence, 
“we must face in ever-increasing degree the rivalry 
of awakening peoples who are strong with the strength 
that comes from struggle with poverty and hardship, 
and who have set themselves to master and apply all 
our secrets in the coming world-struggle for industrial 
supremacy and for racial readjustment.” ‘ And more 
recently another American observer of Asiatic eco- 
nomic conditions reports : “All Asia is being permeated 
with modern industry and present-day mechanical 

Tgke, for example, the momentous possibilities in- 
volved in the industrial awakening of China. China 
is not merely the most populous of lands, containing 
as it does nearly one-fourth of all the human beings 
on earth, but it is also dowered with immense natural 
resources, notably coal and iron — the piime requisites 
of modem indxistrial life. Hitherto China has been 
on an agricultural basis, with virtually no exploitation 

> Clarence Poe, “What the Orient Can Teach Us,” WorUPs Work, 
July, 1911. 

' Clayton S. Cooper, “The Modernizing of the Orient,” p. 5 (New 
York, 1914). 


of her mineral wealth and with no industry in the mod- 
em sense. But the day when any considerable frac- 
tion of China’s laborious millions tium from the plough 
and handicrafts to the factory must see a portentous 
reaction in the most distant markets. 

Thirty years ago, Professor Pearson forecast China’s 
imminent industrial transformation. “Does any one 
doubt,” he asks, “that the day is at hand when China 
will have cheap fuel from her coal-mines, cheap trans- 
port by railways and steamers, and will have founded 
technical schools to develop her industries? When- 
ever that day comes, she may wrest the control of the 
world’s markets, especially throughout Asia, from 
England and Germany.”* 

Much of what Professor Pearson prophesied has 
already come to pass, for China to-day has the begin- 
nings of a promising industrial life. Even a decade 
ago Professor Ross wrote of industrial conditions there: 

“Assuredly the cheapness of Chinese labor is some- 
thing to make a factory owner’s mouth water. .The 
women reelers in the silk filatxmes of Shanghai get from 
eight to eleven cents for eleven hours of work. But 
Shanghai is dear; and, besides, everybody there com- 
plains that the laborers are knowing and spoiled. In 
the steel works at Hanyang common labor gets three 
dollars a month, just a tenth of what raw Slavs com- 
mand in the South Chicago iron-works. Skilled me- 
chanics get from eight to twelve dollars. In a coal- 
mine near Ichang a thousand miles up the Yangtse 
* Pearsou, p. 133. 


the coolie receives one cent for carrying a 400-pound 
load of coal on his back down to the river a mile and 
a half away. He averages ten loads a day but must 
rest every other week. The miners get seven cents a 
day and found; that is, a cent’s worth of rice and meal. 
They work eleven hours a day up to their knees in 
water, and all have swollen legs. After a week of it 
they have to lie off a couple of days. No wonder the 
cost of this coal (semi-bituminous) at the pit’s mouth 
is only thirty-five cents a ton. At Chengtu servants 
get a dollar and a half a month and find themselves. 
Across Szechuan lusty coolies w'cre glad to cany our 
chairs half a day for four cents each. In Sianfu the 
common coolie gets three cents a day and feeds him- 
self, or eighty cents a month. Through Shansi iwdiig 
harvestera were earning from four to twelve cents a 
day, and farm-hands got five or sLx dollars a 3 '^car and 
their keep. Speaking broadly, in any part of the em- 
pire, willing laborers of fair intelligence may be had 
in apy number at from eight to fifteen cents a day. 

“With an ocean of such labor power to draw on, 
China would appear to be on the eve of a manufac- 
turing development that will act like a continental 
upheaval in changing the trade map of the world. The 
impression is deepened by the tale of industries that 
have already sprung up.”* 

Of course there is another side to the story. Low 
wages alone do not insure cheap production. As Pro- 
fessor Ross remarks: “For all his native capacity, the 

‘ Ross, pp.# 117-118. 


coolie will need a long course of schooling, industrial 
training, and factory atmosphere before he inches up 
abreast of the German or American working man.”* 
In the technical and directing staffs there is the same 
absence of the modem industrial spirit, resulting in 
chronic mismanagement, while Chinese mdustry is 
further handicapped by traditional evils like “squeeze,” 
nepotism, lust for quick profits, and incapacity for 
sustained business team-play. These failings are not 
peculiar to China; they hamper the industrial develop- 
ment of other Asiatic countries, notably India. Still, 
the way in which Japanese industry, with all its faults, 
is perfecting both its technic and its methods shows 
that these failings will be gradually overcome and in- 
dicates that within a generation Asiatic industry will 
probably be sufficiently advanced to supply at least 
the Asiatic home-mai-kets with most of the staple 

Thus it looks as though white manufactmes will 
tend to be progressively eliminated from Asiatic mar- 
kets, even imder conditions of absolutely free com- 
petition. But it is a very moot point whether com- 
petition will remain free — whether, on the contrai^', 
white wares will not be increasingly penalized. The 
Asiatic takes a keen interest in his industrial develop- 
ment and consciously favors it even where whites are 
in political control. The “swadcshi” movement in 
India is a good example, while the Chinese and Egyp- 
tian boycotts of foreign as against native goods are 

^ Robs, 



fiirther instances in point. The Japanese have sup- 
plemented these spontaneous popular movements by 
systematic governmental discrimination in favor of 
Japanese products and the elimination of white com- 
petition from Japan and its dependencies. This Japa- 
nese policy has been mai’kedly successful, and should 
Japan’s present hegemony over China be perpetuated 
the white man may soon find himself economically as 
well as politically expelled from the whole Far East. 

A decade ago Putnam Weale wrote wamingly: “If 
China is forced, owing to the short-sighted diplomacy 
of those for whom the question has really supreme 
importance, to make common caiise with Japan as a 
pis oiler, then it may be accepted as ine\'itable that 
in the course of time there will be created a mare 
clausum, which will extend from the island of Saghalien 
down to Cochin-China and Siam, including all the 
island-groups, and the shores of which will be openly 
hostile to the white man. . . . 

‘•And since there will be no danger from the compe- 
tition of white workmen, but rather from the white 
man’s ships, the white man’s merchants, his inven- 
tions, his produce — ^it will be these which will be sub- 
jected to humiliating conditions. ... It is not a 
very far cry from tariffs on goods to tariffs and re- 
strictions on foreign shipping, on foreign merchants, 
on everything foreign — restrictions which by impos- 
ing vast and unequal bundens on the activities of 
aliens will soon totally destroy such activities. . . . 
What can very easily happen is that the federation 


of eastern Asia and the yellow races will be finally 
arranged in such a manner as to exclude the white 
man and his commerce more completely than any 
one yet dreams of.” * 

This latter misforttme may be averted by concerted 
white action, but it is difficult to see how the gradual 
elimination of white goods from Asiatic markets as 
the result of successful Asiatic competition can be 
averted. Certainly the stubborn maintenance of white 
political domination over a rebellious Asia would be 
no remedy. That would merely intensify swadeshi 
boycotts in the subject regions, while in the lands freed 
from white political control it would further Japan's 
policy of excluding everything white. If Asiatics re- 
solve to buy their own products instead of ours we 
may as well reconcile ourselves to the loss. Here again 
frank recognition of the inevitable will enable us to 
take a much stronger and more justifiable position 
on the larger world-aspects of the problem. 

For Asia’s industrial transformation is destined to 
cause momentous reactions in other parts of the globe. 
If Asiatic industry really does get on an efficient basis, 
its potentialities are so tremendous that it must pres- 
ently not only monopolize the home-markets but also 
seek to invade white markets as well, thus presenting 
the white world with commercial and economic prob- 
lems as tmwelcome as they will be novel. 

Again, industrialization* will in some respects ag- 
gravate Asiatic longings for migration and dominion. 

^ B. L. Putnam Wcale, “The Conflict of Color,” pp. 179-181. 


In my opening pages I mentioned industrialization as 
a probable reliever of population-pressure in Asiatic 
countries by affording new livelihoods to the congested 
masses. This is true. But, looking a trifle farther, 
we can also see that industrialization would stimulate 
a further prodigious increase of population. Consider 
the growth of Europe’s population during the nine- 
teenth century imder the stimulus of the industiial 
revolution, making possible the existence in our in- 
dustrialized Europe of three times as many people 
as existed in the agricultural Europe of a hundred 
years ago. Why should not a similar development 
occur in Asia? To-day Asia, though still upon a basis 
as agricultural as eighteenth-century Europe, contains 
fully 900,000,000 people. That even a partially in- 
dustrialized Asia might suppor-t twice that number 
would (judging by the European precedent) be far 
from improbable. 

But this would mean vastly increased incentives 
to expansion — commercial, political, racial — ^beyond 
the bounds of Asia. It would mean intensified en- 
croachments, not only upon areas of white settlement, 
but perhaps even more upon non-Asiatic colored regions 
of white political control like Africa and tropical Amer- 
ica. Here again we see why the white man, however 
conciliatory in Asia, must stand like flint in Africa 
and Latin America. To allow the whole tropic belt 
clear round the world to pass? into Asiatic hands would 
practically spell white race-suicide. 

Professor Pearson paints a truly terrible picture 


of the stagnation and hopelessness which would ensue. 
“Let us conceive,” he writes, “the leading European 
nations to be stationary, while the black and yellow 
belt, including China, Malaysia, India, central Africa, 
and tropical America, is all teeming with life, developed 
by industrial enterprise, fairly well administered by 
native governments, and owning the better part of 
the carrying trade of the world. Can any one suppose 
that, in such a condition of political society, the habitual 
temper of mind in Europe would not be profoundly 
changed? Depression, hopelessness, a disregard of 
invention and improvement, would replace the sanguine 
confidence of races that at present are always panting 
for new worlds to conquer. Here and there, it may be, 
the more adventurous would profit by the traditions 
of old supremacy to get their services accepted in the 
new nations, but as a rule there would be no outlet 
for energy, no future for statesmanship. The despon- 
dency of the English people, when their dream of con- 
quest in France was dissipated, was attended vdth a 
complete decay of thought, with civil war, and with 
a standing still, or perhaps a decline of population, and 
to a less degree of wealth. ... It is conceivable that 
our later world may find itself deprived of all that is 
valued on earth, of the pageantry of subject provinces 
and the reality of commerce, while it has neither a 
disinterred literature to amuse it nor a vitalized religion 
to give it spiritual strength.” * 

To sum up : The economic phase of the colored peril, 

‘ Pearson, ftp. 138, 139. 


though not yet a major factor, must still be seriously 
reckoned with by forward-looking statesmanship as 
something which will increasingly complicate the re- 
lations of the white and non-white worlds. In fact, 
even to-day it tends to intensify Asiatic desires for 
expansion, and thus exacerbates the third, or migra- 
tory, phase of the colored peril, which is already upon 

The question of Asiatic immigration is incomparably 
the greatest external problem which faces the white 
world. Supreme phase of the colored peril, it abeady 
presses, and is destined to press harder in the near 
future. It infinitely transcends the peril of arms or 
markets, since it threatens not merely our supremacy 
or prosperity but our very race-existence, the well- 
springs of being, the sacred heritage of our children. 

That this is no overstatement of the issue, a bare 
recital of a few biological axioms will show. We have 
already seen that nothing is more unstable than the 
racial make-up of a people, while, conversely, nothing 
is more unchanging than the racial divisions of man- 
kind. We have seen that true amalgamation is pos- 
sible only between members of the same race-stock, 
while in crossings between stocks even as relatively 
near together as the main divisions of the white species, 
the race-characters do not really fuse but remain dis- 
tinct in the mixed offspring and tend constantly to 
resort themselves as pure types by Mcndelian inheri- 
tance. Thus a cormtry inhabited by a mixed popula- 
tion is really inhabited by different races, one of which 


always tends to dominate and breed the other out-- 
the outbred strains being lost to the world forever. 

Now, since the various human stocks differ widely 
in genetic worth, nothing should be more carefully 
studied than the relative values of the different strains 
in a population, and nothing should be more rigidly 
scrutinized than new strains seeking to add themselves 
to a population, because such new strains may hold 
simply incalculable potentialities for good or for evil. 
The potential reproductive powers of any stock are 
almost unlimited. Therefore the introduction of even 
a small group of prolific and adaptable but racially un- 
desirable aliens may result in their subsequent prodi- 
gious multiplication, thereby either replacing better 
native stocks or degrading these by the injection of 
inferior blood. 

The admission of aliens should, indeed, be regarded 
just as solemnly as the begetting of children, for the 
racial effect is essentially the same. There is no more 
damning indictment of our lopsided, materialistic 
civilization than the way in which, throughout the 
nineteenth century, immigration was almost univer- 
sally regarded, not from the racial, but from the ma- 
terial point of view, the immigrant being viewed not 
as a creator of race-values but as a mere vocal tool 
for the production of material wealth. 

Immigration is thus, from the racial standpoint, a 
form of procreation, and .like the more immediate form 
of procreation it may be either the greatest blessing 
or the greatest curse. Hiunan history is largely the 


story of migrations, making now for good and now 
for ill. Migration peopled Europe with superior white 
stocks displacing ape-like aborigines, and settled North 
America with Nordics instead of nomad redskins. But 
migration also bastardized the Roman world with 
Levantine mongrels, drowned the West Indies under 
a black tide, and is filling our own land with the sweep- 
ings of the European east and south. 

Migration, like other natural movements, is of itself 
a blind force. It is man’s di^^nc privilege as well as 
duty, having been vouchsafed knowledge of the laws 
of life, to direct these blind forces, rejecting the bad 
and selecting the good for the evolution of higher and 
nobler destinies. 

Colored immigration is merely the most extreme 
phase of a phenomenon which has already moulded 
prodigiously the development of the white world. In 
fact, before discussing the specific problems of colored 
immigration, it would be well to survey the effects of 
the immigration of various white stocks. When we 
have grasped the momentous changes wrought by the 
introduction of even relatively near-related and hence 
relatively assimilable strains, we will be better able to 
realize the far more momentous consequences which the 
introduction of colored stocks into white lands would 

The racial effects of immigration are ably summarized 
by that lifelong student of immigration problems, 
Prescott F. Hall. These effects are, he truly remarks, 
'‘more far-reaching and po+ent than all others. The 


government, the state, society, industry, the political 
party, social and political ideals, all are concepts and 
conventions created by individual men; and when 
individuals change these change with them. Recent 
discoveries in biology show that in the long run hered- 
ity is far more important than environment or educa- 
tion; for though the latter can develop, it cannot 
create. They also show what can be done in a few 
years in altering species, and in producing new ones 
with qualities hitherto unknown, or unknown in com- 
bination.” * 

The way in which admixture of alien blood can 
modify or even destroy the very soul of a people have 
been fully analyzed both by biologists and by social 
psychologists like Doctor Gustave Le Bon.® The way 
in which wholesale immigration, even though mainly 
white, has already profoimdly modified American na- 
tional character is succinctly stated by Mr. Eliot 
Norton. “ If,” he writes, “ one considers the American 
people from, say, 1775 to 1860, it is (dear that a jvell- 
defined national character was in process of formation. 
What variations there were, were all of the same type, 
and these variations would have slowly grown less and 
less marked. It needs little study to see of what great 
value to any body of men, women, and children a 
national or racial type is. It furnishes a standard of 
conduct by which any one can set his course. The 
world is a difficult place in which to live, and to es- 

^ Prescott F. Hall, “Immigration,” p. 99 (New York, 1907). 

* See especially his “Psychology of Peoples” (London, 18^, English 


tablish moral standards has been one of the chief occu- 
pations of mankind. Without such standards, man 
feels as a mariner without a compass. Religions, nilcs, 
laws, and customs are only the national character m 
the form of standards of conduct. Now national char- 
acter can be formed only in a population which is 
stable. The repeated introduction into a body of men 
of other men of different type or types cannot but tend 
to prevent its formation. Thus the 19,000,000 of im- 
migrants that have landed have tended to break up 
the type which was formmg, and to make the forma- 
tion of any other type difficult. Evciy million more 
will only intensify tins result, and the absence of a 
national character is a loss to every man, woman, and 
child. It wdl show itself in our religions, lulcs of con- 
duct, in om- laws, in our customs.” * 

The vital necessity of restriction and selection in 
immigration to conserve and build race-values is thus 
set forth by Mr. Hall : 

“TJiere is one aspect of immigration restriction in 
the various countries which does not often receive much 
attention; namely, the possibility of its use as a method 
of world-eugenics. Most persons think of migration 
in terms of space — as the moving of a certain number 
of people from one part of the earth’s surface to an- 
other. Whereas the much more important aspect of 
it is that of a functioning m time. 

' Eliot Norton, in Aniiala of the Ar^erican Academy of Political and 
Social Sciencej vol. XXIV, p. 103, July, 1904. Of course, since Mr. Nor- 
ton wrote, millions more aliens have entered the United States, "iind the 
iituation is much worse. 


“This comes from two facts. The first is that the 
vacuum left in any country by emigration is rapidly 
filled up through a rise in the birth-rate. . . . The sec- 
ond fact is that immigration to any coimtry of a given 
stratum of population tends to sterilize all strata of 
higher social and economic levels already in that coun- 
try. So true is this that nearly all students of the mat- 
ter are agreed that the United States would have a 
larger population to-day if there had been no immi- 
gration since 1820, and, it is needless to add, a much 
more homogeneous population. As long as the people 
of any community are relatively homogeneous, what 
differences of wealth and social position there may be 
do not affect the birth-rate, or do so only after a con- 
siderable time. But put into that community a num- 
ber of immigrants, inferior mentally, socially, and 
economically, and the natives are unwilling to have 
their children associate with them in work or social 
life. They then limit the number of their children in 
order to give them the capital or education to enter 
occupations in which they wiU not be brought into 
contact with the new arrivals. This result is quite 
apparent in New England, where successive waves of 
immigration from lower and lower levels have been 
coming in for eighty years. In the West, the same 
New England stock has a much higher birth-rate, 
showing that its fertility is in no way diminished. In 
the South, where mtil very recently there was no immi- 
gration at all, and the only socially inferior race was 
clearly separated by the accident of color, the biitV 


rate has remained very high, and the very large fami- 
lies of the colonial period are even now not uncommon. 

“This is not to say that other causes do not contrib- 
ute to lower the birth-rate of a country, for that is an 
almost world-wide phenomenon. But the desire to 
be separated from inferiors is as strong a motive to 
birth-control as the desire for luxury or to ape one’s 
economic superiors. Races follow Gresham’s law as 
to money: the poorer of two kinds in the same place 
tends to supplant the better. Mark you, supplant, not 
drive out. One of the most common fallacies is the 
idea that the natives whose places are taken by the 
lower immigrants are ‘driven up’ to more responsible 
positions. A few may be pushed up; more are driven 
to a new locality, as happened in the mining regions; 
but most are prevented from coming into existence at all. 

“What is the result, then, of the migration of 
1,000,000 persons of lower level into a countiy where 
the average is of a higher level? Considering the 
wor|,d as a whole, there are, after a few yearn, 2,000,000 
persons of the lower type in the world, and probably 
from 500,000 to 1,000,000 loss of the higher type. The 
proportion of lower to higher in the country from 
which the migration goes may remain the same; but 
in the coun.iy receiving it, it has risen. Is the world 
as a whole the gainer? 

“Of coinse the euthonist* says at once that these 
immigrants are improved. We may grant that, al- 

* /. c., a person believing in the preponderance of environment rather 
than heredity » 


though the improvement is probably much exag- 
gerated. You cannot make bad stock into good by 
changing its meridian, any more than you can turn a 
cart-horse into a hunter by putting it into a fine stable, 
or make a mongrel into a fine dog by teaching it tricks. 
But such improvement as there is involves time, ex-, 
pense, and trouble; and, when it is done, has any- 
thing been gained? Will any one say that the races 
that have supplanted the old Nordic stock in New 
England are any better, or as good, as the descendants 
of that stock would have been if their birth-rate had 
not been lowered? 

“Further, in addition to the purely biological aspects 
of the matter, there are certain p^chological ones. 
Although a cosmopolitan atmosphere furnishes a cer- 
tain freedom in which strong congenital talents can 
develop, it is a question whether as many are not in- 
jured as helped by this. Indeed, there is considerable 
evidence to show that for the production of great men, 
a certain homogeneity of environment is necea^aiy. 
The reason of this is very simple. In a homogeneous 
community, opinions on a large number of matters 
are fixed. The individual does not have to attend to 
such things, but is free to go ahead on some special 
line of his own, to concentrate to his limit on his work, 
even though that work be fighting the common opin- 

“But in a community of many races, there is 
either cross-breeding or there is not. If there is, the 
children of such cross-breeding are liable to inherit 


two souls, two teiuperaments, two sets of opinions, 
with the result in many cases that they are unable to 
think or act stron^y and consistently in any direction. 
The classic examples are Cuba, Mexico, and Brazil. 
On the other hand, if there is no cross-breeding, the 
diversity exists in the original races, and in a com- 
munity full of diverse ideals of all kinds much of the 
energy of the higher type of man is dissipated in two 
ways. First, in the intellectual field there is much 
more doubt about everything, and he tends to weigh, 
discuss, and agitate many more subjects, in order to 
arrive at a conclusion amid the opposing views. Sec- 
ond, in practical affairs, much time and strength have 
to be devoted to keeping things going along old lines, 
which could have been spent in new research and de- 
velopment. In how many of our large cities to-day 
are men of the highest type spending their whole time 
fighting, often in vain, to maintain standards of hon- 
esty, decency, and order, and in trying to compose the 
various ethnic elements, who should be free to build 
new structures upon the old ! 

“The moral seems to be this: Eugenics among in- 
dividuals is encouraging the propagation of the fit, 
and limiting or preventing the multiplication of the 
unfit. World-eugenics is doing precisely the same 
thing as to races considered as wholes. Immigration 
restriction is a species of segregation on a large scale, 
by which inferior stocks can be prevented from both 
diluting and supplanting good stocks. Just as we 
isolate bacterial invasions, and starve out the bacteria 


by limiting the area and amount of their food-supply^ 
so we can compel an inferior race to remain in its na- 
tive habitat, where its own multiplication in a limited 
area will, as with all organisms, eventually limit its 
numbers and therefore its influence. On the other 
hand, the superior races, more self-limiting than the 
others, with the benefits of more ^ace and nourish- 
ment will tend to still higher levels. 

“This result is not merely a selfish benefit to the 
higher races, but a good to the world as a whole. The 
object is to produce the greatest number of those fittest 
not ‘for survival’ merely, but fittest for all purposes. 
The lower types among men progi’ess, so far as their 
racial inheritance allows them to, clviefly by imitation 
and emulation. The presence of the highest develop- 
ment and the highest institutions among any race is 
a distinct benefit to all the others. It is a gift of psy- 
chologicd environment to any one capable of apprecia- 
tion.” » 

The impossibility of any advanced and prospevous 
community maintaining its social standards and hand- 
ily them down to its posterity in these days of cheap 
and rapid tran^ortation except by restrictions upon 
immigrations is thus explained by Professor Ross: 
“Now that cheap travel stirs the social deeps and far- 
beckoning opportimity fills the steerage, immigration 
becomes ever more serious to the people that hopes 
to rid itself at least of shuns, ‘masses,’ and ‘sub- 

* Prescott F. Hall, “Immigration Restriction and World Eugenios,” 
The JourvKil 9 / Heredity, March, 19^9. 


saeigcd.’ What is the good of practising prudence 
in the family if hungry strangers may crowd in and 
occupy at the banquet table of life the places reserved 
for its children? Shall it, in order to relieve the teem- 
ing lands of their imemployed, abide in the pit of wolfish 
competition and renounce the fair prospect of growth 
in suavity, comfort, and refinement? If not, then the 
low-pressure society must not only slam its doors upon 
the indraft, but must double-lock them with forts 
and iron-clads, lest they be burst open by assault from 
some qiiarter where ‘cannon food’ is cheap.” * 

These admirable summaries of the immigration 
problem in its world-aspect are strikingly illustrated 
by our own country, which may be considered as the 
leading, if not the “horrible,” example. Probably few 
persons fully appreciate what magnificent racial trea- 
sures America possessed at the beginning of the nine- 
teenth century. The colonial stock was perhaps the 
finest that nature had evolved since the classic Greeks. 
It was the very pick of the Nordics of the British Isles 
and adjacent regions of the European continent — 
picked at a time when those coimti-ies were more Nor- 
dic than now, siace the industrial revolution had not 
yet begun and the consequent resurgence of the Medi- 
terranean and Alpine elements had not taken place. 

The imirugrants of colonial times were largely exiles 
for conscience’s sake, while the very process of migra- 
tion was so diflficult and hanardous that only persons 

‘Edward Alsworth Bom, “ChsmginK America,” pd. 46-46 ^New 
York, 1912). ' 


of courage, initiative, and strong will-power would 
voluntarily face the long voyage overseas to a life of 
struggle in an untamed wilderness haunted by ferocious 

Thus the entire process of colonial settlement was 
one continuous, drastic cycle of eugenic selection. Only 
the racially fit ordinarily came, while the few unfit 
who did come were mostly weeded out by the exacting 
requirements of early American life. 

The eugenic results were magnificent. As Madison 
Grant well says: “Nature had vouchsafed to the Amer- 
icans of a century ago the greatest opportunity in re- 
corded history to produce in the isolation of a continent 
a powerful and racially homogeneous people, and had 
provided for the experiment a pure race of one of the 
most gifted and vigorous stocks on earth, a stock free 
from the diseases, physical and moral, which have 
again and again sapped the vigor of the older lands. 
Our grandfathers threw away this opportunity in the 
blissful ignorance of national childhood and inexperi- 
ence.” ' The number of great names which America 
produced at the beginning of its national life shows 
the high level of ability possessed by this relatively 
small people (only about 3,000,000 whites in 1790). 
With our hundred-odd millions we have no such out- 
put of genius to-day. 

The opening decades of the nineteenth centuay 
seemed to portend for America the most glorious of 
futures. For nearly seventy years after the Revolu- 

* Madison Grant, “The Pasi^ng of the Great Race,” p. 90. 


tion, iminigration was small, and during that long 
period of ethnic isolation the colonial stock, unper- 
turbed by alien influences, adjusted its cultural differ- 
ences and began to display the traits of a genuine new 
type, harmonious in basic homogeneity and incalcu- 
lably rich in racial promise. The general level of ability 
continued high and the output of talent remained ex- 
traordinarily large. Perhaps the best feature of the 
nascent “native American” race was its strong ideal- 
ism. Despite the materialistic blight which was then 
creeping over the white world, the native American 
displayed characteristics more reminiscent of his Eliza- 
bethan forebears than of the materialistic Hanoverian 
Englishman. It was a wonderful time— and it was 
only the dawn ! 

But the full day of that wondrous dawning never 
came. In the late forties of the nineteenth centuiy 
the first waves of the modem immigrant tide began 
breaking on our shores, and the tide swelled to a veri- 
taHe deluge which never slackened till temporarily 
restrained by the late war. This immigration, to be 
sure, first came mainly from northern Europe, was 
thus largely composed of kindred stocks, and con- 
tributed many valuable elements. Only during the 
last thirty years have we been deluged by the truly 
alien hordes of the European east and south. But, 
even at its best, the immigrant tide could not measure 
up to the colonial stock which it displaced, not rein- 
forced, while latterly it became a menace to the veiy 
existence of our race, ideals, and institutions. All our 


slowly acquired balance — ^physical, mental, and q)iri- 
tual — has been upset, and we to-day flounder in a 
veritable Serbonian bog, painfully trying to regain the 
solid ground on which our grandsires confidently stood. 

The dangerous fallacy in that short-sighted idealism 
which seeks to make America the haven of refuge for 
the poor and oppressed of all lands, and its evil effects 
not only on America but on the rest of the world as 
well, has been convincingly exposed by Professor Ross. 
He has scant patience with those social “uplifters” 
whose sympathy with the visible alien at the gate is 
so keen that they have no feeling for the invisible chil- 
dren of our poor who will find the chances gone, nor 
for those at the gate of the to-be, who might have been 
bom, but will not be. 

“I am not of those,” he writes, “who consider hu- 
manity and forget the nation, who pity the living but 
not the unborn. To me, those who are to come after 
us stretch forth beseeching hands as well as do the 
masses on the other side of the globe. Nor do I* re- 
gard America as something to be spent quickly and 
cheerfully for the benefit of pent-up millions in the 
backward lands. What if we becoqie crowded with- 
out their ceasing to be so? I regard it (America) as a 
nation whose future may be of imspeakable value to 
the rest of mankind, provided that the easier condi- 
tions of life here be made permanent by high standards 
of living, institutions, and ideals, which finally may be 
appropriated by all men. We could have helped the 
Chinese a little by letting their surplus millions swarm 


in upon us a generation ago; but we have helped them 
infinitely more by protecting our standards and having 
something worth their copying when the time came.” ‘ 

The perturbing influence of recent immigration 
must vex American life for many decades. Even if 
laws are passed to-morrow so drastic as to shut out 
permanently the influx of undesirable elements, it 
will yet tahe several generations before the combined 
action of assimilation and elimination shall have re- 
stabilized our population and evolved a new type- 
norm approaching in fixity that which was on the point 
of ciystallizing three-quarters of a centmy ago. 

The biologist Humphrey thus punctures the “melt- 
ing-pot” delusion: “Our ‘melting-pot,’” he writes, 
“would not give us in a thousand years what enthu- 
siasts expect of it — a, Jusing of all our various racial 
elements into a new type which shall be the tme 
American. It vnU give us for many generations a per- 
plexing diversity in ancestry, and since our successors 
must reach back into their ancestry for characteristics, 
this diversity will increase the uncertainty of their 
inheritances. They will inherit no stable blended char- 
acter, because there is no such thing. They will in- 
herit from a mixture of unlike characteristics contrib- 
uted by unlike peoples, and in their inheritance they 
will have certain of these characteristics in full identity, 
while certain others they will not have at all.” ® 

* Edward Alsworth Ross, “The OlH World in the New,” Preface, p. 2 
(New York, 1914). 

*S. K. Humphrey, “Mankind: Racial Values and the Racial Pros- 
pect,” p, 156. • 


Thus, under even the most favorable circumstances^ 
we are in for generations of racial readjustment— an 
immense travail, essentially needless, since the final 
product will probably not measure up to the colonial 
standard. We wll probably never (unless we adopt 
positive eugenic measmes) be the race we might have 
been if America had been reserved for the descendants 
of the picked Nordics of colonial times. 

But that is no reason for folding our hands in despair- 
ing inaction. On the contrary, we should be up and 
doing, for though some of our race-heritage has been 
lost, more yet remains. We can still be a very great 
people — if wc will it so. Heaven be praised, the co- 
lonial stock was immensely prolific before the alien 
tide wrought its sterilizing havoc. Even to-day nearly 
one-half of our population is of the old blood, while 
many millions of the immigrant stock are sound in 
quality and assimilable in kind. Only — ^the immi- 
grant tide must at all costs be stopped and America 
given a chance to stabilize her ethnic being. It is*the 
old story of the sibylline books. Some, to be sure, 
are ashes of the dead past; all the more should we 
conserve the precious volumes which remain. 

One fact should be clearly understood: If America 
is not true to her own race-soul, she will inevitably lose 
it, and the brightest star that has appeared since Hellas 
will fall like a meteor from the human sky, its brilliant 
radiance fading into the night. “ We Americans,” says 
Madison Grant, “must realize that the altruistic ideals 
which have controlled our Social development during 


the past century and the maudlin sentimentalism that 
has made America ‘an asylum for the oppressed/ are 
sweeping the nation toward a i-acial abyss. If the melt- 
ing-pot is allowed to boil without control and we con- 
tinue to follow our national motto and deliberately 
blind ourselves to ‘aU distinctions of race, creed, or 
color/ the type of native American of colonial descent 
will become as extinct as the Athenian of the age of 
Pericles and the Viking of the days of Rollo.” ^ 

And let us not lay any sacrificial unction to our souls. 
If we cheat our country and the world of the splendid 
promise of American life, we shall have no one to blame 
but ourselves, and we shall deser\'^e, not pity, but con- 
tempt. As Professor Ross well puts it: “A people 
that has no more respect for its ancestors and no more 
pride of race than this deserves the e.xtinction that 
surely awaits it.” ^ 

This extended discussion of the evil effects of even 
white immigration has, in my opinion, been necessaiy 
in prder to get a proper perspective for viewing the 
problem of colored immigration. For it is perfectly 
obvious that if the influx of inferior kindred stocks 
is bad, the influx of wholly alien stocks is infinitely 
worse. When we see the damage wrought in America, 
for example, by the coming of persons who, after all, 
belong mostly to branches of the white race and who 
nearly all possess the basic ideals of white civilization, 
we can grasp the incalculal^Iy greater damage which 
would be wrought by the coming of persons wholly 

* Gnnt, p. 263. ’ Ross, “The Old World in the New,” p. 304. 


alien in blood and possessed of idealistic and cultural 
backgrounds absolutely different from ours. If the 
white inunigrant can gravely disorder the national life, 
it is not too much to say that the colored immigrant 
would doom it to certain death. 

This doom would be all the more certain because of 
the enonnous potential volume of colored immigra- 
tion. Beside it, the white immigrant tide of the past 
century would pale into insignificance. Leaving all 
other parts of the colored world out of the present 
discussion, three Asiatic countnes — China, Japan, and 
India — together have a population of nearly 800,- 
000,000. That is practically twice the population of 
Europe — the source of white inunigration. And the 
vast majority of those 800,000,000 Asiatics are poten- 
tial immigrants into white tenitories. Their standards 
of living are so inconceivably low, their congestion is 
so painful, and their consequent desire for relief so 
keen that the high-standard, relatively empty white 
world seems to them a perfect paradise. Only Jthe 
barrier of the white man’s veto has prevented a per- 
fect deluge of colored men into white lands, and even 
as it is the desperate seekers after fuller life have crept 
and crawled through every crevice in that barrier, 
\mtil even these advance-guards to-day constitute 
serious local problems along the white world’s race- 

The simple truth of the matter is this: A mighty 
problem — a planet-wide problran — confronts us to- 
day and will increasingly c^pnfront us in the days to 


come. Says Putnam Weale: “A struggle has begun 
between the white man and all the other men of the 
world to decide whether non-white men— that is, 
yellow men, or brown men, or black men— may or 
may not invade the white man’s countries in order there 
to gain their livelihood. The standard of living being 
low in the lands of colored men and hi^ in the lands 
of the white man, it has naturally followed that it has 
been in the highest degree attractive for men of color 
during the past few decades to proceed to regions where 
their labor is rewarded on a scale far above their actual 
requirements — ^that is, on the white man’s scale. This 
simple economic truth creates the inevitable contest 
which has for years filled all the countries bordering 
on the Pacific with great dread; and which, in spite of 
the temporary truce which the so-called ‘Exclusion 
Policy’ has now enforced, will go much farther than 
it has yet gone.” * 

The world-wide significance of colored immigration 
and, the momentous conflicts which it will probably 
provoke are ably visualized by Professor Ross. 

“The rush of developments,” he wiites, “makes it 
certain that the vision of a globe ‘lapped in universal 
law’ is premature. If the seers of the mid-century 
who looked for the speedy triumph of free trade had 
read their Malthus aright, they might have antici- 
pated the tariff barriers that have arisen on aU hands 
within the last thirty years. , So, to-day one needs no 
prophet’s mantle to foresee that presently the world 

‘ Putnam Weale, “The Conflict of Color,” pp. 98-99. 


will be cut up with immigration barriers which will 
never be levelled until the intelligent accommodation 
of numbers to resources has greatly equalized popula- 
tion-pressure all over the globe. . . . Dams against the 
color races, with spillways of course for students, mer- 
chants, and travellers, will presently enclose the white 
man’s world. Within this area minor dams will pro- 
tect the high wages of the less prolific peoples against 
the surplus labor of the more prolific. 

“Assuredly, every small-family nation will try to 
raise such a dam, and every big-family nation will 
try to break it down. The outlook for peace and dis- 
armament is, therefore, far from bright. One needs 
but compare the population-pressures in France, Ger- 
many, Russia, and Japan to realize that, even to-day, 
the real enemy of the dove of peace is not the eagle of 
pride or the vulture of greed, but the stork ! 

“The great point of doubt in birth restriction is the 
ability of the Western nations to retain control of the 
vast African, Australasian, and South American areas 
they have staked out as preserves to be peopled at 
their leisure with the diminishing overflow of their 
population. If underbreeding should leave them with- 
out the military strength that alone can defend their 
far-flung frontiers in the southern hemisphere, those 
huge underdeveloped regions will assuredly ^be filled 
with the children of the brown and the yellow races.” ‘ 

Thus, white men, of whatever country and however 
far removed from personal contact with colored com- 

^Rois, “Changing Sfunerica,” pp. 46-4S. 


petitors, must realize that the question of colored 
iinioigration vitally concerns every white man, woman, 
and child; because nowhere — absolutely nowhere — can 
white labor compete on equal terms with colored im- 
migrant labor. The grim truth is that there are enougli 
hard-working colored men to swamp the whole white 

No palliatives will serve to mitigate the ultimate 
issue, for if the white race should to-day surrender 
enough of its frontiers to ease the existing colored pop- 
ulation-pressure, so quickly would these surrendered 
regions be swamped, and so rapidly would the fast- 
breeding colored races fill the homeland gaps, that in 
a very short time the diminished white world would be 
faced with an even louder colored clamor for admit- 
tance — ^backed by an increased power to enforce the 
colored will. 

The profoimdly destructive effects of colored com- 
petition upon white standards of labor and living has 
long,been admitted by all candid students of the prob- 
lem. So warm a champion of Asiatics as Mr. Hynd- 
man acknowledges that “the white workers cannot 
hold their own permanently against Chinese com- 
petition in the labor market. The lower standard of 
life, the greater persistence, the superior education of 
the Chinese will beat them, and will continue to beat 

Wherever the white man has been exposed to col- 
ored competition, particularly Asiatic competition, the 

^ Hyndxxuin, ‘‘The Awakezuog of Asia,” p. 180. 


stoiy is the same. Says the Australian Professor Pear- 
son: “No one in California or Australia, where the 
effects of Chinese competition have been studied, has, 
I believe, the smallest doubt that Chinese laborers, 
if allowed to come in freely, could starve all the white 
men in either country out of it, or force them to sub- 
mit to harder work and a much lower standard of 
wages.” ^ 

And a South African, writing of the effects of Hindu 
immigration into Natal, remarks in similar veiti: 
“The condition of South Africa — especially of Natal 
— ^is a warning to other lands to bar Asiatic immi- 
grants. . . . Both economically and socially the pres- 
ence of a large Oriental population is bad. The Asiatics 
either force out the white workers, or compel the latter 
to live down to the Asiatic level. There must be a 
marked deterioration amongst the white working 
classes, which renders useless a great deal of the effort 
made in educational work. The white population is 
educated and trained according to the best ideag of 
the highest form of Western civilization — ^and has to 
compete for a livelihood against Asiatics I In South 
Africa this competition is driving out the white work- 
ing class, because the average European cannot live 
down to the Asiatic level — ^and if it is essential that 
the European must do so, for the sake of his own hap- 
piness, do not educate him up to better things. If 
cheapness is the only coipderation, if low wages are 
to come before everything else, then it is not only waste 
* PemoBj p. 132. 



of money, but absolute cruelty, to inspire in the wliite 
working classes tastes and asphations which it is hn- 
possible for them to realize. To meet Asiatic com- 
petition squarely, it would be necessary to train the 
white children to be Asiatics. Even the pin-Orientals 
would hardly advocate this.”* 

The lines just quoted squarely counter the “sur- 
vival of the fittest ” plea so often made by Asiatic propa- 
gandists for colored immigration. The argument runs 
that, since the Oriental laborer is able to underbid the 
white laborer, the Oriental is the “fittest” and should 
therefore be allowed to supplant the white man in 
the interests erf human progress. Tliis is of course 
merely clever use of the well-known fallacy wliich 
confuses the terms “fittest” and “best.” The idea 
that, because a certain human type “fits” in certain 
ways a particular environment (often an unhealthy, 
man-made social environment), it should be allowed 
to drive out another type endowed with much richer 
potontialities for the highest forms of human evolution, 
is a sophistry as absurd as it is dangerous. 

Professor Ross puts the matter vciy aptly when he 
remarks concerning Chinese immigration: “The com- 
petition of white laborer and yellow is not so simple 
a test of human worth as some may imagine. Under 
good conditions the white man can best the yellow 
man in turning off work. But under bad conditions 

^ L. E. Neame, ‘^Oriental Labor in South Africa,” Artnals of the 
Ainerican Academy of Political and Social Science^ vol. XXXIV, pp. 
179-180, September, 1909. » 


the yellow man can best the white man, because he 
can better endure spoiled food, poor clothing, foul 
air, noise, heat, dirt, discomfort, and microbes. Reilly 
can outdo Ah-San, but Ah-San can underlive Reilly. 
Ah-San cannot take away Reilly’s job as being a better 
workman; but because he can live and do some work 
at a wage on which ReiUy cannot keep himself fit to 
work at aU, three or four Ah-Sans can take Reilly’s 
job from him. And they wall do it, too, unless they 
are barred out of the market where Reilly is seUing 
his labor. Reilly’s endeavor to exclude Ah-San from 
his labor market is not the case of a man dreading to 
pit himself on equal terms against a better man. In- 
deed, it is not quite so simple and selfish and narrow- 
minded as all that. It is a case of a man fitted to get 
the most out of good conditions refusing to yield his 
place to a weaker man able to withstand bad condi- 

All this is no disparagement of the Asiatic. He is 
perfectly justified in tiying to win broader opportuni- 
ties in white lands. But we whites are equally justi- 
fied in keeping these opportunities for ourselves and 
om children. The hard facts are that there is not 
enough for both; that when the enormous outward 
thrust of colored population-pressure bursts into a 
white land it cannot let live, but automatically crushes 
the white man out — ^first the white laborer, then the 
white merchant, lastly thejvhite aristocrat; until eveiy 
vestige of white has gone from that land forever. 

* Robb, “The ChauginC Chinese/' pp. 47-48. 


This inexorable process is thus described by an Aus- 
tralian: “The colored races become agencies of eco- 
nomic disturbance and social degradation. They sap 
and destroy the upward tendencies of the poorer whites. 
The latter, instead of always having something better 
to look at and strive after, have a lower standard of 
living, health, and cleanliness set before them, and the 
results are disastrous. They sink to the lower level 
of the Asiatics, and the degrading tendency proceeds 
upward by saturation, affecting several grades of soci- 
ety. . . . There is an insidious, yet irresistible, proc- 
ess of social degradation. The colored race does not 
intentionally, or even consciously, lower the Emopean; 
it simply happens so, by virtue of a natural law which 
neither race can control. As debased coinage wiU drive 
out good currency, so a lowered standard of living will 
inexorably spread until its effects are universally felt.” ‘ 

It all comes down to a question of self-preservation. 
And, despite what sentimentalists may say, self-pres- 
ervation is the first law of nature. To love one’s cxil- 
tural, idealistic, and racial heritage; to swear to pass 
that heritage unimpaired to one’s children; to fight, 
and, if need be, to die in its defense: all this is eternally 
right and proper, and no amount of casuistry or senti- 
mentality can alter that unalterable truth. An Eng- 
lishman put the thing in a nutshell when he wrote: 
“Asiatic immigration is not a question of sentiment, 
but of sheer existence. The whole problem is summed 

* J. Liddell Kelly, “What Is the Matter with the Asiatic?” TTeri- 
mintier Rtview, September, 1910. ' 


up in Lafcadio Hearn’s pregnant phrase: ‘The East 
can underlive the West.’ ” * 

Rigorous exclusion of colored immigrants is thus 
vitally necessary for the white peoples. Unfortunately, 
this exclusion policy will not be easily maintained. 
Colored population-pressure is insistent and increasing, 
while the matter is still further complicated by the 
fact that, while no white ammunity can gain by colored 
immigration, white individuals — employers of labor- 
may be great gainers and hence often tend to put private 
interest above racial duty. Baning a handful of sin- 
cere but misguided cosmopolitan enthusiasts, it is 
unscrupulous business interests which are behind evciy 
white proposal to relax the exclusion laws protecting 
white areas. 

In fairness to these business interests, however, lot 
us realize their great temptations. To the average 
employer, especially in the newer areas of white settle- 
ment where white labor is scarce and dictatorial, what 
could be more enticing than the vision of a boundless 
supply of cheap and eager colored labor? 

Consider this Californian appraisement of the Clii- 
nese coolie: “The Chinese coolie is the ideal industrial 
machine, the perfect human ox. He will transform less 
food into more work, with less administrative friction, 
than any other creatiue. Even now, when the scarcity 
of Chinese labor and the consequent rise in wages 
have eliminated the question of cheapness, the Chinese 

* From an article in The PaU-Mall Gazette (London). Quotied in 
The Literary Digest^ May 31, 1913, pp 1215-16. 


have still the advantage over all other servile labor 
in convenience and efficiency. They are patient, docile, 
indxistrious, and above all ‘honest’ in the business 
sense that they keep their contracts. Also, they cost 
nothing but money. Any other sort of labor costs 
human effort and worry, in addition to the money. 
But Chinese labor can be bought hke any other com- 
modity, at so much a dozen or a hundi-ed. The Chinese 
contractor delivers the agreed number of men, at the 
agreed time and place, for the agreed price, and if any 
one should drop out he finds another in his place. Tire 
men board and lodge themselves, and when the work 
is done they disappear from the employer’s ken until 
again needed. The entire transaction consists in pay- 
ing the Chinese contractor an agreed number of dollar’s 
for an agreed result. This elimination of the human 
element reduces the labor problem to something the 
employer can understand. The Chinese labor-ma- 
chine, from his standpoint, is perfect.” ^ 

’^at is true of the Chinese is tme to a somewhat 
lesser extent of all “coolie” labor. Hence, once in- 
troduced into a white country, it becomes inunensely 
popular — among employer’s. How it was workiirg out 
nr South Africa, before the exclusion acts there, is clearly 
explained in the following lines: “Tire cxircriencc of 
South Africa is that when once Asiatic labor is admitted, 
the tendency is for it to grow. One manufacturer 
secures it and is able to cut prices to such atr extent 

^Chester H. Rowell, “Chinese and Japanese Immigrants,*^ Annals 
of the American Academy, vol. XXJjilV, p, 4, September, 1909. 


that the other manufacturers are forced either to em- 
ploy Asiatics also or to reduce white wages to the Asia tic 
level. Oriental labor is something which does not 
stand still. The taste for it grows. A party springs 
up financially interested in increasing it. In Natal 
to-day the su^estion that Indian labor should no 
longer be imported is met by an outcry from the plant- 
ers, the farmers, and landowners, and a certain num- 
ber of manufacturers, that industries and agriculture 
win be ruined. So the coolie ships continue to arrive 
at Durban, and Natal becomes more and more a land 
of black and brown people and less a land of white 
people. Instead of becoming a Canada or New Zea- 
land, it is becoming a Trinidad or Cuba. Instead of 
white settlers, there are brown settlers. . . . The 
working-class white population has to go, as it is going 
in Natal. The coimtry becomes a country of white 
landlords and supervisors controlling a horde of Asiatics. 
It does not produce a nation or a free people. It be- 
comes what in the old days of English colonization was 
called a ‘plantation.’”^ 

All this gives a clearer idea of the difficulties involved 
in a successful guarding of the gates. But it also con- 
firms the conviction that the gates must be strictly 
guarded. If anything further were needed to rein- 
force that conviction it should be the present state 
of those white outposts where the gates have been left 

* Neame, ** Oriental Labor in South Africa/’ Armais af the Ameriean 
Aeadmny, vol. XKXIV, p. 181. , 


Hawaii is a good example. This mid-Pacific archi- 
pelago was brought under white control by masterful 
American Nordics, who established Anglo-Saxon in- 
stitutions and taught the natives the rudiments of 
Anglo-Saxon civilization. The native Hawaiians, like 
the other Polynesian races, could not stand the pres- 
sure of white civilization, and withered away. But 
the white oligarchy which controlled the islands de- 
termined to turn their marvellous fertility to imme- 
diate profit. Labor was imported from the ends of 
the earth, the sole test being working ability without 
regard to race or color. There followed a great in- 
flux of Asiatic labor — ^at first Chinese until annexation 
to the United States brought Hawaii under our Chinese 
exclusion laws; later on Filipinos, Koreans, and, above 
all, Japanese. 

The results are highly instructive. These Asiatics 
arrived as agricultural laborers to work on the plan- 
tations. But they did not stay there. Saving their 
wages, they pushed vigorously into all the middle walks 
of life. The Hawaiian fisherman and the American 
artisan or shopkeeper were alike ousted by ruthless 
undercutting. To-day the American mechanic, the 
American storekeeper, the American farmer, even the 
American contractor, is a rare bird indeed, while Japa- 
nese corporations are buying up the finest plantations 
and growing the finest pineapples and sugar. Fully 
half the population* of the .islands is Japanese, while 
the Americans are being literally encysted as a small 
and dwindling aristocracy/ In 1917 the births of the 


two races were: American, 295; Japanese, 5,000! 
Comment is superfluous. 

Clear round the globe, the island of Mamitius, the 
half-way house between Asia and Africa, tells the same 
tale. Originally settled by Eiu-opeans, mostly French, 
Mauritius imported negroes from Africa to work its 
rich soil. This at once made impossible the existence 
of a white laboring class, though the upper, middle, 
and artisan classes remained unaffected by the eco- 
nomically backward blacks. A htmdred years ago one- 
third of the population were whites. But after the 
abolition of slavery the negroes quit work, and Asi- 
atics were imported to take their place. The upshot 
was that the whites were presently swamped beneath 
the Asiatic tide — ^hcre mostly Hindus, To-day the 
Hindus alone form more than two-thirds of the whole 
population, the whites munbering less than one-tenth. 
Indeed, the veiy outward aspect of the island is chang- 
ing. The old French landmarks are going, and the 
fabled land of “Paul and Virginia” is becoming a* bit 
of Hindustan, with a Chinese fringe. Even Port 
Louis, the capital town, has mostly passed from white 
to Indian or Chinese hands. 

Now what do these two world-sundered cases mean? 
They mean, as an English writer justly remarks, 
“that under the British flag Mauritius has become an 
outpost of Asia, just as Hawaii is another such and 
under the Stars and Stripes.” ‘ And, of course, there is 
Natal, already mentioned, which, at the moment when 

* Viator, “Asia contra Mundwi”* Fortnightly Review^ February, 1908 . 


the recent South African Exclusion Act stayed the 
Hindu tide, had not only been partially transformed 
into an Asiatic land, but was fast becoming a centre 
of Asiatic radiation all over South Africa. 

With such grim warnings before their eye.s, it is not 
strange that the lusty young Anglo-Saxon communities 
bordering the Pacific— Australia, New Zealand, British 
Columbia, and our own “coast” — ^have one and all 
set their faces like flint against the Oriental and have 
emblazoned across their portals the legend: “All 
White.” Nothing is more striking than the instinctive 
and instantaneous solidarity which binds together 
Australians and Afrikander, Californians and Cana- 
dians, into a “sacred union” at the mere whisper of 
Asiatic immigration. 

Everywhere the slogan is the same. “The ‘White 
Australia’ idea,” cries an antipodean writer, “is not a 
political theoiy. It is a gospel. It counts for more 
chan religion; for more than flag, because the flag 
wayes over all kinds of aces; for more than the em- 
pire, for the empire is mostly black, or brown or yellow; 
is largely heathen, largely polygamous, partly canni- 
bal. In fact, the White Australia doctrine is based 
on the necessity for choosing between national existence 
and national suicide.” ‘ “White Australia!” writes 
another Australian in similar vein. “Australians of 
all classes and political affiliations regard the policy 
much as Americans regard the Constitution. It is 

* Quoted by J. F. Abbott, “Japanese Expansion and American Poli- 
cies.” p. 154 (New York, 1916). , 


their most articulate article of faith. The reason is 
not far to seek. . . . Australian civilization is little 
more than a partial fringe round the continental coast- 
line of 12,210 miles. The coast and its hinterlands are 
settled and developed, although not completely for 
the entire circumference; in the centre of the countiy 
lie the apparently illimitable wastes of the Never- 
Never Land, occupied entirely by scrub, snakes, sand, 
and blackfellows. The almost manless regions of the 
island-continent are a terrible menace. It is impossible 
to police at all adequately such an enormous area. 
And the peoples of Asia, beating at the bare that con- 
fine them, rousing at last from their age-long slumber, 
are chafing at the restraints imposed upon their free 
entry into and settlement of such uninhabited, unde- 
veloped lands.” * 

So the Australians, 5,000,000 whites in a far-off 
continent as large as the United States, defy clamoring 
Asia and swear to keep Australia a white man’s land. 
Says Professor Peaison: “We are guarding the last 
part of the world in which the higher races can increase 
and live freely, for the higher civilization. We are 
denying the yellow race notlung but what it can find 
in the home of its birth, or in countries like the Indian 
Archipelago, where the white man can never live except 
as an exotic.”® 

So Australia has raised drastic immigration bar- 

^ H. C. Douglas, What May Happen in the Pacific,” American Re- 
view of Reviews^ April, 1917. 

» Pearson, p. 17. 


riers conceived on the lines laid down by Sir Henry 
Parkes many years ago: “It is our duty to preserve 
the type of the British nation, and we ought not for 
any consideration whatever to admit any element 
that would detract from, or in any appreciable de- 
gree lower, that admiiable type of nationality. We 
should not encourage or admit amongst us any e1«^a 
of persons whatever whom we are not prepared to ad- 
vance to all our franchises, to all our privileges as citi- 
zens, and all our social rights, including the right of 
marriage. I maintain that no class of persons should 
be admitted here who cannot come amongst us, take 
up all our rights, perform on a ground of e(j[uality all 
our duties, and share in our august and lofty work of 
founding a free nation.” * 

From Canada rises an equally uncompromising de- 
termination. Listen to Mr. Vrooman, a high official 
of British Columbia : “ Our province is becoming Orien- 
talized, and one of our most important questions is 
wl^ether it is to remain a British piovimie or become an 
Oriental colony — ^for we have three races demanding 
seats in otu' drawing-room, as well as places at our 
board — the Japanese, Chinese, and East Indian.”® 
And a well-known Canadian writer, Miss Laut, thus 
defines the issue: “If the resident Hindu had a vote — 
and as a British subject, why not? — and if he could 
break down the immigration exclusion act, he could 

* Neame, op. cU.f Anrisils of the American Academy ^ vol. XXXIV, 
pp. 181-2. 

^ Quoted by Archibald Hurd, “The Racial War in the Pacific,’* Fori* 
nightly Review, June, 1913. 


outvote the native-born Canadian in ten years. In 
Canada are 5,500,000 native-born, 2,000,000 aliens. 
In India are hundreds of millions breaking the dikes 
of their own natoal barriers and ready to flood any 
open land. Take down the barriers on the Pacific 
coast, and there would be 10,000,000 Hindus in Canada 
in ten years.” * 

Our Pacific coast takes precisely the same attitude. 
Says Chester H. Rowell, a California writer; “There is 
no right way to solve a race problem except to stop it 
before it begins. . . . The Pacific coast is the frontier 
of the white man’s world, the culmination of the west- 
ward migration which is the white man’s whole his- 
tory. It will remain the frontier so long as we regard 
it as such; no longer. Unless it is maintained there, 
there is no other line at which it can be maintained 
without more effort than American government and 
American civilization are able to sustain. The multi- 
tudes of Asia are awake, after their long sleep, as the 
multitudes of Europe were when om* present flood, of 
immigration began. We know what could happen, on 
the Asiatic side, by what did happen and is happen- 
ing on the European side. On that side we have sur- 
vived. . . . But against Asiatic immigration we could 
not smvive. The numbers who would come would be 
greater than we could encyst, and the races who would 
come are those which we could never absorb. The 
permanenee not merely of ^American civilization, but 
of the white race on this continent, depends on our 

^Agites C. Laut, *‘The Canadiau Coounonvealtb,” p. 146 (In- 
dkoapolia, 1915). 


not doing on the Pacific side what we have done on 
the Atlantic coast,” * 

Says another Californian, Justice Burnett: “The 
Pacific States comprise an empire of vast potentialities 
and capable of supporting a population of many mil- 
lions. Those now living there propose that it shall 
continue to be a home for them and their children, and 
that they shall not be overwhelmed and driven east- 
ward by an ever-increasing yellow and brown flood.” * 

All “economic” arguments are summarily put aside. 
“They say,” writes another Californian, “that our 
fruit-orchards, mines, and seed-farms cannot be worked 
without them (Oriental laborers). It were better that 
they never be developed than that our white laborers 
be degraded and driven from the soil. The same argu- 
ments were used a century and more ago to justify the 
importation of African labor. ... As it is now, no self- 
respecting white laborer will work beside the Mongolian 
upon any terms. The proposition, whether wo shall 
ha\^ white or yellow labor on the Pacific coast, must 
soon be settled, for we cannot have both. If the Mon- 
golian is permitted to occupy the land, the white 
laborer from east of the Rockies will not come here — 
he will shun California as he would a pestilence. And 
who can blame him?”® 

The middle as well as the working class is imperilled 

•Rowell, op. cU; Annals of the American Academy, vol. XXXIV, 
p. 10. 

• Honorable A. G. BuineM., “Misunderstanding of Eastern and West- 
ern States Regarding Oriental Immigration,” Annals of the American 
Academy, vol. XXXIV, p. 41 . 

’ A. E. YoeU, “Oriental versus Aaaerican Labor,” Annals of (he Amer- 
ican Academy, vol. XXXIV, p. 36. 


by any large number of Orientals, for “The presence 
of the Japanese trader means that the white man must 
either go out of business or abandon his standard of 
comfort and sink to the level of the Asiatic, who will 
sleep imder his counter and subsist upon food that 
would mean starvation to his white rival.” * 

Indeed, Californian assertions that Oriental immi- 
gration menaces, not merely the coast, but the whole 
continent, seem well taken. This view was officially 
indorsed by Mr. Caminetti, Commissioner-General of 
Immigration, who testified before a Congressional 
committee some years ago; “Asiatic immigration is a 
menace to the whole coimtry, and particularly to the 
Pacific coast. The danger is general. No part of 
the United States is immune. The Chinese arc now 
spread over the entire country, and the Japanese want 
to encroach. The Chinese have become so acclimated 
that they can prosper in any part of our country. . . . 
I would have a law to register the Asiatic laborers who 
come into the country. It is impossible to protect 
ourselves from persons who come in surreptitiously.”^ 

Fortunately, the majority of thinking Americans are 
to-day convinced that Oriental imnrigration must not 
be tolerated. Most of om’ leading men have so ex- 
pressed themselves. For example, Woodrow Wilson, 
duriirg his first presidential campaign, declared on 
May 3, 1912: “In the matter of Chinese and Japanese 

1 S. G. P. Coryn, ‘‘The Japanese Problem fh California,” Annals of the 
American Academy, vol. XXXIV, pp. 43-44. 

* Quoted by J. D. Whelpley, “Japan and the United States,” Fort- 
nightly Review, May, 1914. • 


coolie iimnigration, I stand for the national policy of 
exclusion. The whole question is one of assimilation 
of diverse races. We cannot make a homogeneous 
population of a people who do not blend with the Cau- 
casian race. Their lower standard of living as laborers 
wiU crowd out the white agiiculturist and is in other 
fields a most serious industrial menace. The success 
of free democratic institutions demands of our people 
education, intelligence, and patriotism, and the State 
should protect them against unjust and impossible 
competition. Remimerative labor is the basis of con- 
tentment. Democracy rests on the equality of the 
citizen. Oriental coolieism will give us another race- 
problem to solve and surely we have had our lesson.” * 

The necessity for rigid Oriental exclusion is nowhere 
better exemplified than by the alarm felt to-day in 
California by the extraordinaiily high birth-rate of its 
Japanese residents. Tliere aio probably not over 
150,000 Japanese in the whole United States, their 
nupibers bemg kept down by the “Gentlemen’s Agree- 
ment” entered into by the Japanese and American 
Governments. But, few though they are, they bring 
in their women — and these women bring many children 
into the world. The California Japanese settle in 
compact agricultural colonics, which so teem with 
babies that a leading California organ, the Los Angeles 
Times, thus seriously discusses the matter: 

“There may have J 3 ecn a t,imc when an anti-Japanese 

* Quoted by Montaville Flowers, “'riie Japanese Conquest of Ameri* 
can Opinion/' p. 23 (New York, 


land bill would have limited Japanese immigration. 
But such a law would be impotent now to keep native 
Japanese from possessing themselves of the choicest 
agricultural and horticultural land in California. For 
there are now more than 30,000 children in the State of 
Japanese parentage, native-born; they possess all the 
ri^ts of leasing and ownership held by white children 
bom here. . . . The birth statistics seem to prove that 
the danger is not from the Japanese soldiers, but from 
the picture brides. The fruitfulness of those brides is 
almost uncanny. . . . Here is a Japanese problem of 
sufficient gravity to merit serious consideration. We 
are threatened with an over-production of Japanese 
children. First come the men, then the picture brides, 
then the families. If California is to be preserved for 
the next generation as a ‘white man’s country’ there 
must be some movement started that will restrict the 
Japanese biith-rate in California. Wlicn a condition 
is reached in which two cliildren of Japanese parentage 
are bom in some districts for ‘ivery white child, ijt is 
about time something else was done than making 
speeches about it in the American Senate. ... If the 
same present birth-ratio were maintained for the next 
ten years, there would be 150,000 childi'en of Japanese 
descent bom in California in 1929 and but 40,000 white 
children. And in 1949 the majority of the population 
of California would be Japanese, mling the State.” * 
The alarm of our California coptemporaiy may, in 
this particular instance, be exaggerated. Neverthe- 
< The Literary Digest^ ^ugiist 9, 1919, p. 53. 


less, when we remember the practically unlimited ex- 
pansive possibilities of even small human groups under 
favorable conditions, the pictine drawn contains no 
features inherently impossible of realization. What 
is absolutely certain is that any wholesale Oriental 
influx would inevitably doom the whites, first of the 
Pacific coast, and later of the whole United States, 
to social sterilization and ultimate racial extinction. 

Thus all those newer regions of the white world won 
by the white expansion of the last four centuries are 
alike menaced by the colored migration peril; whether 
these regions be under-developed, under-populated 
frontier marches like Australia and British Columbia, 
or older and better-populated countries like the United 

And let not Europe, the white brood-land, the heart 
of the white world, think itself immune. In the last 
anal 3 rsis, the self-same peril menaces it too. This 
has long been recognized by far-sighted men. For 
m^y years economists and sociologists have dis- 
cussed the possibility of Asiatic immigration into 
Europe. Low as wages and living standards are in 
many European countries, they are yet far higher 
than in the congested East, while the rapid progress 
of social betterment throughout Europe must further 
widen the gap and make the w'hite continent seem a 
more and more desirable haven for the swarming, 
black-haired bread-sgekers of China, India, and Japan. 

Indeed, a few obsen'cra of modem conditions have 
oome to the conclusion tj^at tliis invasion of Europe 


by Asiatic labor is unescapable, and they have drawn 
the most pessimistic conclusions. For example, more 
than a decade ago an English writer asserted gloomily; 
“No level-headed thinker can imagine that it will al- 
ways be possible to prevent the free migration of in- 
telligent races, representing in the aggregate half the 
peoples of the world, ^ould those peoples actively 
conceive that their welfare demands that they should 
seek employment in Europe. In these days of rapid 
transit, of aviation, such a measure of repression ig 
impossible. . , . We shall not be destroyed, perhaps, 
by the sudden onrush of invaders, as Rome was over- 
whelmed by the northern hordes; we shall be gradually 
subdued and absorbed by the ‘peaceful penetration’ of 
more virile races.” * 

Now, mark you ! All that I have thus far written 
concerning colored immigration has been written with- 
out reference to the late war. In other words, the 
colored-migration peril would have been just as grave 
as I have described it even if the white world w^re 
still as strong as in the years before 1914, 

But the war has of course immensely aggravated an 
already critical situation. The w^ar has shalcen both 
the material and psychological bases of white resistance 
to colored infiltration, while it has correspondingly 
strengthened Asiatic hopes and hardened Asiatic de- 
termination to break down the baiTiers debarring 
colored men from white lands. 

> J. S. Little, “The Doom of Western Civilization,” pp. 56 and 63 
(London, 1907). 


Asia’s perception of what the war signified in this 
Inspect was instantaneous. The war was not a month 
old before Japanese journals were suggesting a relaxa- 
tion of Asiatic exclusion laws in the British colonies as 
a natural corollary to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance 
and Anglo-Japancse comradeship in arms. Said the 
Tokio Mainichi Deupo in August, 1914; “We are con- 
vinced that it is a matter of the utmost importance 
that Britons beyond the seas should make a better at- 
tempt at fraternizing with Japan, as better relations 
between the English-speaking races and Japan will 
have a vital bearing on the destiny of the empire. 
There is no reason why the British colonies fronting on 
the Pacific should not actively participate in the Anglo- 
Japanese Alliance. Britain needs population for her 
surplus land and Japan needs land for her surplus 
population. This fact alone should draw the two races 
closer together. Moreover, the British people have 
ample capital but deficiency of labor, while it is the 
reverse with Japan. . . . The harmonious co-operation 
of Britain and her colorries with Japan insures safety 
to British and Japanese irrterests alike. Without such 
co-operation, Japan and Great Britain are both un- 
safe.” ^ 

What this “co-operation” implies was very frankly 
stated by The Japan Magazine at about the same date: 
“There is nothing that would do so much to bind East 
and West firmly together as the opening of the British 
colorries to Japanese immigration. Then, indeed, 

* The Ldterary Digest} Axifs^si 29, 1914, p. 337, 


Britain would be a lion endowed with wings. Large 
nmnbers of Japanese in the British colonies would 
mean that Britain would have the assistance of Japan 
in the protection of her colonies. But if an anti-Japa- 
nese agitation is permitted, both countries will be 
making the worst instead of the best of the Anglo- 
Japanese Alliance. Thus it would be allowed to make 
Japan an enemy instead of a friend. It seems that 
the British people both at home and in the colonies 
are not yet alive to the importance of the policy sug- 
gested, and it is, therefore, pointed out and emphasized 
Wore it is too late.” ^ 

The covert threat embodied in those last lines was 
a forerunner of the storm of anti-white abuse which 
rose from the more bellicose sections of the Japanese 
press as soon as it became evident that neither the 
British Dominions nor the United States were going 
to relax their immigi’ation laws. Some of this anti- 
white comment, directed particularly against the Anglo- 
Saxon peoples, I have already noted in the second 
chapter of this book, but such comment as bears di- 
rectly on immigration matters I have reserved for 
discussion at this point. 

For example, the Tokio Yorodzu wrote early in 1916: 
“Japan has been most faithful to the require:. lents of 
the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and yet the treatment 
meted out to our countrymen in Canada, Australia, and 
other British colonies has been a glaring insult to us.”* 

1 The Literary Digest^ August 29, 1914, pp. 337-8. 

* Ibid., April 22, 1916, p. 1138. 


A year later a writer in The Japan Magazine declared: 
“The agitation against Japanese m foreign countries 
must cease, even if Japan has to take up aims to stop 
it. She ^ould not allow her immigration to be treated 
as a race-question.”! And in 1919 the Yorodm 
thus paid its respects to the exclusionist activity of 
our Pacific coast States: “Whatever may be their 
object, their actions are more despicable than those 
of the Germans whose barbarities they attacked as 
worthy of Huns. At least, these Americans are bar- 
barians who are on a lower plane of civilization than 
the Japanese.” ® 

Hie war produced no letting down of immigration 
barriers along the white world’s exposed frontiers, 
where men are fully alive to the peril. But the war 
did produce temporary waverings of sentiment in the 
United States, while in Europe colored labor was im- 
ported wholesale in ways which may have ominous 

,Our own acute labor shortage during the war, par- 
ticularly in agriculture, led many Americans, espe- 
cially employers, to cast longing eyes at the tempting 
reservoirs of Asia. Typical of tliis attitude is an ar- 
ticle by Hudson Maxim in the qrring of 1918. Mr. 
Maxim urged the importation of a million Chinese 
to solve our farming and domestic-seivice problems. 

“If it is possible,” he wrote, “by the employment 
of Chinese methocls of intensive faiming, to inci'ease 

* Quoted in The Review of Reviews (London), February, 1917, p. 174. 

* The LUerary Digest, July 5, 11)19, p. 31. 


the production of our lands to such an extent, how 
stupendous would be the benefit of wide introduction 
of such methods. The exhausted lands of New Eng- 
land could be made to produce like a tropical garden. 
The vast areas of the great West that are to-day not 
producing 10 per cent of what they ought to produce 
could be made to produce the other 90 per cent by 
the introduction of Chinese labor. . . . The average 
American does not like fanning. The sons of the 
prosperous farmers do not take kindly to the tilling 
of the soil with their own hands. They prefer the 
excitement and the diversions and stimulus of the life 
of city and town, and th^r leave the farm for the oflSce 
and factoiy. . . . 

“Chinese, imported as agricultural laborers and 
household servants, would solve the agricultural labor 
problem and the servant problem, and we should have 
the best agricultural workers in the world and the 
best household servants in the world, in unlimited 
numbers.” * , 

Now I submit that such arguments, however well- 
intentioned, are nothing short of race-treason. If 
there be one truth which history has proved, it is the 
solemn truth that those who work the land will ulti- 
mately ofwn the land. 

Furthermore, the countryside is the seed-bed from 
which the city populations are normally recruited. 
The one bright spot in our otherwise dubious ethnic 
future is the fact that most of our imassimilable aliens 

^ Leslie^s Weekly, May 4, 1918. 


have stopped in the towns, while many of the most 
assimilable immigrants have settled in the country, 
thus reinforcing rather than replacing om- native 
American rural population. Any suggestion which ad- 
vocates the settlement of our countryside by Asiatics 
and the deliberate driving of our native stocks to the 
towns, there to be sterilized and eliminated, is simply 

Fortunately, such fatal counsels were with us never 
acted upon, albeit they should be remembered as lurk- 
ing perils which will probably be urged again in future 
times of stress. But during Europe’s war-agony, yel- 
low, brown, and black men were imported wholesale, 
not only for the armies, but also for the factories and 
fields. These colored aliens have mostly been shipped 
back to their homes. Nevertheless, they have carried 
with them vivid recollections of the marvellous West, 
and the tale will spread to the remotest comers of the 
colored world, stirring hard-pressed colored bread- 
seekers to distant ventures. Furthermore, Europe 
has had a practical demonstration of the colored alien’s 
manifold usefulness, and if Europe’s troubles are pro- 
longed, the colored man may be increasingly employed 
there both in peace and war. 

Even during the war the French and English working 
classes felt the pressure of colored competition. Race- 
feeling grew strained, and presently both England and 
France witnessed the (to j;hem) unwonted ^ectacles 
of race-riots in their port-towns where the colored 
aliens were most thickly gathered. An American ob- 


server thus describes the “breaking of the exclusion 
walls erected against the Chinese ” : 

“In London, one Wednesday evening, twenty-four 
months ago (i. e., in 1916), there was a mass-meeting 
held on the comer of Hggot Street, Limehouse, to pro- 
test against the influx of Jolm Chinaman into bonny old 
England. . . . The London navvies that night heard 
a protest against ‘the Chinese invasion’ of Britain. 
They knew that down on the London docks there were 
two Chinamen to every white man since the coming 
of war. They knew that many of these yellow aliens 
were married. They knew, too, that a big Chinese 
restaurant had just opened down the West India Dock 

“The Sailors’ and Firemen’s Union — one of the 
most powerful in England — earned the protest into 
the Trades-Union Congress held at Birmingham. 
There, alarm was voiced at the steady increase in the 
number of Chinese hands on Britain’s ships. It was 
an increase, tme, since the stress of war-times had be- 
gun to try Britain. But what England’s sons of the 
seven seas wanted to know was: when is ‘this Orien- 
talizing’ of the British marme to stop? . . . The sea- 
men’s unions were willing to do their bit for John Bull, 
but they wondered what was going to happen after the 
coming of peace. Would the Chinese continue to man 
John Bull’s ships? . . . 

“Such is one manifestation of 4;he decisive lifting 
of gates and barriers that has taken place since the 
white world went to war. JTo-day the Chinese — ^for 


decades finding a wall in every white man’s country— 
are numbered by the tens of thousands in the service 
of tire Allies. They have made good. They are a 
war-factor. ... All told, 200,000 Chinese are ‘cany- 
ing on’ in the war-zone, laboring behind the lines, in 
munition-works and factories, manning ships. . . . 

“What will happen when peace comes upon this 
red world — a world turned top^turvy by the white 
man’s Great War, which has taken John Chinaman 
from Shantung, Chihli, and Kwangtung to that battle- 
ground in France? . . . That makes the drafting of 
China’s man-power one of the most supremely impor- 
tant events in the Great War. The family of nations is 
taking on a new meaning— John Chinaman overseas has 
a place in it. As Italian harvest-labor before the war 
went to and from Argentina for a few months’ work, 
so the Chinese have gone to Europe under contract 
and go home again. Perhaps this action will have a 
bearing on the solution of the Far West’s agricultural 
labor problem. 

“Do not believe for a moment that the armies of 
Chinese in Evurope will forget the lessons taught them 
in the West. WHien these sons of Han come home, 
the Great War will be found to have given birth to a 
new East.” ^ 

So ends our survey. It has girdled the globe. And 
the lesson is always the same: Colored migration is a 
universal peril, menacing every part of the white world. 

*G. C. Hodges in The Sunset Magazine, Quoted by Th^ L/iterary 
Digest, September 14, 191$, pp. 4{h42, 


Nowhere can the white man endure colored competi- 
tion; everywhere “the East can underline the West.” 
The grim truth of the matter is this: The whole white 
race is exposed, immediately or ultimately, to the 
possibility of social sterilization and final replacement 
or absorption by the teeming colored races. 

What this rmspeakable catastrophe would mean for 
the future of the planet, and how the peril may be 
averted, will form the subject of my concluding pages. 



Ours is a solemn moment. We stand at a crisis — ^the 
supreme crisis of the ages. For unnumbered millenni- 
ums man has toiled upward from the dank jungles of 
savagery toward glorious heights which his mental and 
spiritual potentialities give promise that he shall at- 
tain. His path has been slow and waveiing. Time 
and again he has lost his way and plmiged hito deep 
valleys. Man’s trail is littered with the wrecks of 
dead civilizations and dotted with the graves of promis- 
ing peoples stricken by an imtimely end. 

Humanity has thus suffered many a disaster. Yet 
none of these disasters were fatal, because they were 
merely local. Those wrecked civilizations and blighted 
peoples were only parts of a larger whole. Always 
some strong barbarians, endowed with rich, imspoiled 
heredities, caught the falling torch and bore it on- 
ward flaming high once more. 

Out of the prehistoric shadows the white races 
pressed to the front and proved in a myriad ways their 
fitness for the hegemony of mankind. Gradually they 
forged a common civilization; then, when vouclisafed 
their vmique opportunity of, oceanic mastery four cen- 
turies ago, they ^read over the earth, filling its empty 
spaces with their superior Ijreeds and assming to them- 



selves an unparalleled paramountc^ of niimbers and 

Three centuries later the whites took a fresh leap 
forward. The nineteenth century was a new age of 
discovery — ^this time into the realms of science. The 
hidden powers of nature were unveiled, incalculable 
energies were tamed to human use, terrestrial distance 
was abridged, and at last the planet was integrated 
imder the hegemony of a single race with a common 

The prospects were magnificent, the potentialities 
of progress apparently unlimited. Yet there were 
commensurate perils. Towering heights mean abys- 
mal depths, while the very possibility of supreme suc- 
cess implies the possibility of supreme failure. AH 
these marvellous achievements were due solely to 
superior heredity, and the mere maintenance of what 
had been won depended absolutely upon the prior 
maintenance of race-values. Civilization of itself 
means nothing. It is merely an effect, whose ca/use 
is the creative urge of superior germ-plasm. Civiliza- 
tion is the body; the race is the soul. Let the soul 
vanish, and the body moulders into the inanimate 
dust from which it came. 

Two things are necessary for the continued exist- 
ence of a race: it must remain itself, and it must breed 
its best. Every race is the result of ages of develop- 
ment which evolves specialized capacities that make 
the race what it is and render it capable of creative 
achievement. These specialized capacities (which 


particularly mark the superior races), being relatively 
recent developments, are highly unstable. They are 
what biologists call “recessive” characters; that is, 
they are not nearly so “dominant” as the older, gen- 
eralized characters which races inheiit from remote 
ages and which have therefore been more firmly stamped 
upon the germ-plasm. Hence, when a highly special- 
ized stock interbreeds with a different stock, the newer, 
less stable, specialized characters are bred out, the 
variation, no matter how great its potential value to 
human evolution, being irretrievably lost. This ocems 
even in the mating of two superior stocks if these 
stocks are widely dissimilar in character. The valu- 
able q)ecializations of both breeds cancel out, and the 
mixed offspring tend strongly to revert to generalized 

And, of course, the more primitive a type is, the more 
prepotent it is. This is why crossings with the negro 
are uniformly fatal. Whites, Amerindians, or Asiat- 
ica— all are alike vanquished by the invincible pre- 
potency of the more primitive, generalized, and lower 
negro blood. 

There is no immediate danger of the world being 
swamped by black blood. But there is a very im- 
minent danger that the white stocks may be swamped 
by Asiatic blood. 

The white man’s veiy triumphs have evoked this 
danger. His virtual abolition of distance has de- 
stroyed the protection which nature once conferred. 
Formerly mankin d dwelt, in such di^eised isolation 


that wholesale contact of distant, diverse stocks was 
practically impossible. But with the development of 
cheap and rapid transportation, natiuB’s barriers are 
down. Unless man erects and maintains artificial 
barriers the various races will increasin^y mingle, and 
the inevitable result will be the supplanting or absorp- 
tion of the higher by the lower types. 

We can see this process working out in almost 
every phase of modem naigration. The white immi- 
gration into Latin America is the exception which 
proves the rule. That particular migration is, of course, 
beneficent, since it means the infiux of relatively high 
types into imdeveloped lands, sparsely populated by 
types cither no higher or much lower than the new 
anivals. But almost everywhere else, whether we 
consider interwhite migrations or colored encroach- 
ments on white lands, the net result is an expansion 
of lower and a contraction of higher stocks, the process 
being thus a disgenic one. Even in Asia the evils of 
modem migration are beginning to show. The Japa- 
nese Government has been obliged to prohibit the in- 
flux of Chinese and Korean coolies who were under- 
cutting Japanese labor and thus undeimining the eco- 
nomic bases of Japanese life. 

Furthermore, modem migration is itself only one 
aspect of a still more fundamental disgenic trend. The 
whole course of modem urban and industrial’ life is 
disgenic. Over and above^ immigration, the tendency 
is toward a replacement of the more valuable by the 
less valuable elements of t6e population. All over 


the civilized world racial values are diminis h i ng, and 
the logical end of this disgenic process is racial bank- 
ruptcy and the collapse of civilization. 

Now why is all this? It is primarily because we 
have not yet adjusted oursdves to the radically new 
environmait into which our epochal scientific dis- 
coveries led us a century ago. Such adaptation as we 
have effected has been almost wholly on the material 
side. The no less sweeping idealistic adaptations which 
the situation calls for have not been made. Hence, 
modem civilization has been one-sided, abnormal, 
unhealthy — and nature is exacting penalties which 
will increase in severity until we either fully adapt or 
finally perish. 

“Finally perish!” That is the exact alternative 
which confronts the white race. For white civilization 
is to-day conterminous with the white race. The civili- 
zations of the past were local. They were confined 
to a particular people or gi'oup of peoples. If they 
Med, there were always some unspoiled, well-endowed 
barbarians to step forwai’d and “caiiy on.” But to- 
day there are no more white barbarians. The eaith has 
grown small, and men are everywhere in close touch. 
If white civilization goes down, the white race is irre- 
trievably ruined. It will be swamped by the trium- 
phant colored races, who will obliterate the white man 
by elimination or absorption. What has taken place 
in Central Asia, once a white and now a brown or yellow 
land, will take place in Australasia, Europe, and Amer- 
ica. Not to-day, nor yet to-morrow; perhaps not for 


generations; but surely in the end. If the present 
drift be not changed, we whites are all ultimately 
doomed. Unless we set our house in order, the doom 
will sooner or later overtake us all. 

And that would mean that the race obviously en- 
dowed with the greatest creative ability, the race 
which had achieved most in the past and which gave 
the richer promise for the future, liad passed away, 
carrying with it to the grave those potencies upon 
which the realization of man’s highest hopes depends. 
A million years of human evolution might go un- 
crowned, and earth’s supreme life-product, man, might, 
never fulfil his potential destiny. This is why we to- 
day face “The Crisis of the Ages.” 

To many minds the mere possibility of such a catas- 
trophe may seem unthinkable. Yet a dispassionate 
survey of the past shows that it is not only possible 
but probable if present conditions go on unchanged. 
The whole history of life, both human and subhuman, 
teaches us that nature will not condone disobedienge; 
that, as I have already phrased it, “no living being 
stands above her law, and protozobn or demigod, if 
they transgress, alike must die.” 

Now we have transgressed; grievously transgressed 
— and we are suffeiing grievous penalties. But pain 
is really kind. Pain is the importunate tocsin which 
rouses to dangerous realities and spurs to the seeking 
of a cure. 

As a matter of fact we are con/usedly aware of our 
evil plight, and legion are the remedies to-day pro* 


posed. Some of these are mere quack nostrums. Others 
contain valuable remedial properties. To be sure, there 
is probably no one curative agent, since our troubles 
are complex and magic elixirs heal only in the realm 
of dreams. But one element should be fundamental 
to all the compoundings of the social pharmacopoeia. 
That element is blood. 

It is clean, virile, genius-bearing blood, streaming 
down the ages through the imerring action of heredity, 
which, in anything like a favorable environment, will 
multiply itself, solve our problems, and sweep us on 
to higher and nobler destinies. What we to-day need 
above all else is a changed attitude of mind — ^a recog- 
nition of the supreme importance of heredity, not 
merely in scientific treatises but in the practical order- 
ing of the world’s affairs. We are where we are to- 
day primarily because we have neglected this vital 
principle; because we have conceined ourselves with 
dead things instead of with living bemgs. 

This disregard of heredity is perhaps not strange. 
It is barely a generation since its fundamental im- 
portance was scientifically established, and the world’s 
conversion to even the most vital truth takes time. 
In fact, we also have much to unlearn. A little while 
ago we were taught that all men were equal and that 
good conditions could, of themselves, quickly perfect 
mankind. The seductive charm of these dangerous 
fallacies lingers and makes us loath to put them reso- 
lutely aside. 

Fortunately, we now know the truth. At last we 


have been vouchsafed clear insight into the laws of 
life. We now know that men are not, and never will 
be, equal. We know that environment and education 
can develop only what heredity brings. We know 
that the acquirements of individuals are either not 
inherited at all or are inherited in so slight a degree 
as to make no perceptible difference from generation 
to generation. In other words: we now know that 
heredity is paramount in hiunan evolution, all other 
things being secondaiy factors. 

Tliis basic tx\ith is already accepted by large num- 
bers of thinking men and women all over the civilized 
world, and if it becomes finnly fixed in the popular 
consciousness it will work nothing short of a revolution 
in the ordering of the world’s affairs. 

For race-betterment is such an intensely practical 
matter ! When peoples come to realize that the quality 
of the population is the source of all their prosperity, 
progi-ess, security, and even existence; when they real- 
ize that a single genius may be worth more in actud 
dollars than a dozen gold-mines, while, conversely, ra- 
cial decline spells material impoverishment and decay; 
when such tilings ai-e really believed, we shall see much- 
abused “eugenics” actually moulding social pro- 
grammes and political policies. Were the white world 
to-day really convinced of the supreme importance of 
race-values, how long would it take to stop debasing 
immigration, reform social abuses that are killing out 
the fittest strains, and put an to the feuds which 


have just sent us through hell and threaten to send us 
promptly back again? 

Well, perhaps our change of heart may come sooner 
than now appears. The horrors of the war, the disap- 
pointment of the peace, the terror of Bolshevism, 
and the rising tide of color have knocked a good deal 
of the nonsense out of us, and have given multitudes 
a himger for realities who were before content with 
a diet of phrases. Said wise old Benjamin r>anklin: 
“Dame Experience sets a dear school, but fools will 
have no other.” Our course at the dame’s school is 
already well under way and promises to be exceeding 

Only, it is to be hoped our (*,ducation will be rapid, 
for time presses and the hour is grave. If certain lofj- 
sons are not learned and acted upon shortly, we may 
be overwhelmed by irreparable disastci's and all our 
dear schooling will go for naught. 

What are the things we must do promptly if we would 
avert the womt? This “ineduciblc minimum” runs 
about as follows: 

First and foremost, the wretched Veraaillcs busi- 
ness will have to be thoroughly revised. As it stands, 
dragon’s teeth have been sown over both Europe and 
Asia, and unless they be plucked up they will pres- 
ently grow a crop of cataclysms which wiU seal the 
white world’s doom. 

Secondly, some, sort of provisional understanding 
must be arrived at between the white world and renas- 


cent Asia. We whites will have to abandon our tacit 
assumption of pennanent domination over Asia, while 
Asiatics will have to forego their dreams of migration 
to white lands and penetration of Africa and Latin 
America. Unless some such imderstanding is arrived 
at, the world will drift into a gigantic race-war — ^and 
genuine race-war means war to the knife. Such a 
hideous catastrophe should be abhorrent to both sides. 
Nevertheless, Asia should be given clearly to under- 
stand that we cannot permit either migration to white 
lands or penetration of the non-Aaatic tropics, and 
that for these matters we prefer to fight to a finish 
rather than yield to a finish — ^because our “finish” 
is precisely what surrender on these points would 

Thirdly, even within the white world, migrations of 
lower human types like those which have worked such 
havoc in the United States must be rigorously cur- 
tailed. Such migrations upset standards, sterilize 
better stocks, increase low types, and compromise 
national futures more than war, revolutions, or native 

Such are the things which simply mud be done if 
we are to get through the next few decades without 
convulsions which may render impossible the white 
world’s recovery. 

These things will not bring in the millennium. Far 
from it. Our ills are so d^ep-seated that in nearly 
every civilized coimtry racial values would continue 
to depreciate even if all three were carried into ^ect. 


But they will at least give our wounds a chance to 
heal, and they will give the new biological revelation 
time to permeate the popular consciousness and trans- 
fuse with a new idealism our materialistic age. As 
the years pass, the supreme importance of heredity 
and the supreme value of superior stocks will sink into 
our being, and we will acquire a true race-conscious- 
ness (as opposed to national or cultural consciousness) 
which wiU bridge political gulfs, remedy social abuses, 
and exorcise the lurking spectre of miscegenation. 

In those better days, we or the next generation will 
take in hand the problem of race-depreciation, and 
segregation of defectives and abolition of handicaps 
penalizing the better stocks will put an end to our 
present racial decline. By that time biological knowl- 
edge will have so increased and the popular philosophy 
of life will have been so idealized that it will be pos- ' 
sible to inaugurate positive measures of race-bettcr- 
ment which will unquestionably yield the most won- 
derful results. 

Those splendid tasks are probably not ours. They 
are for our successors in a happier age. But we have 
our task, and God knows it is a hard one — ^the salvage 
of a shipwrecked world ! Ours it is to make possible 
that happier age, whose full-fruits we shall never see. 

Well, what of it? Does not the new idealism teach 
us that we are links in a vital chain, charged with high 
’ duties both to the dead and the unborn? In veiy 
truth we are at once sons of sires who sleep in calm 
assurance that we will not betray the trust they con- 


fided to our hands, and sires of sons who in the Be- 
yond wait confident that we shall not cheat them of 
their birthright. 

Let us, then, act in the spirit of Kipling^s immortal 

“ Our Fathers in a wondrous age. 

Ere yet the Earth was small, 

Ensured to us an heritage. 

And doubted not at all 

That we, the children of their heart. 

Which then did beat so high. 

In later time should play like part 
For our posterity. 

4 ; * 9ie >|t 

Then, fretful, murmur not they gave 
So great a charge to keep, 

Nor dream that awestruck Time shall save 
Their labor while we sleep. 

Dear-bought and clear, a thousand year 
Our fathers' title runs. 

Make we likewise their sacrifice. 

Defrauding not our sons. ” ^ 

^Rudyard Kipling, “The Heritage.” Dedicatory poem to the 
volume entitled “ The Empire and the Century ” (London, 1906), the 
volume being a collaboration by prominent British writers. 



Abd-el-TTahab, 58 

Abyssinia, 4, 89 

Afghanistan, independence of, 4, 56; 
Germany’s relations with, 212; 
Bolshevik propaganda in, 220 

Africa, 3, 5; effect of Russo- Japanese 
War on, 12, 15; partition of, 24, 
89, 149#., 152; European con- 
quests in. 70; growth of Moham- 
medanism in, 65; 67; Germany in, 

North, brown race In, 7; 57, 68, 
83 #., 199; Bolshevik agitators 
in, 220; brown power in, 93 #.; 
spread of Arab blood in, 93; 
native white blood In. 93#.; 
rule of Islam in, 94, 101, 235, 
142, 147 

South, 10, 84; homo of black 
race. 7. 54, 87 #. ; white coloni- 
zation of, 89; wealth of, 89 
#.; result of white rule in, 91, 
92; spread of Islam in, 94 #., 
235 ; Christianity in. 95 #. ; anti- 
white sentiment in, 97 #.; up- 
rising of 1915. 99; situation 
of, 100#.; white settlement 
in, 225 ; danger of Asiatic pene- 
tration into, 232, 249; results 
of Asiatic penetration into, 
272 #., 277; Exclusion Act in, 
281, 308; result of Asiatic 
labor in, 278, 280; Mauritius 
settled from, 280 

Algeria, 67; riots In, 77. 82; white 
blood in. 93 # 

Allies of the Great War, 40. 214 

Al Mowwayad, 71 

Alpine race. 162 #., 165, and the war, 
183; 202, 261 

America, 4; black race in, 7, 87#, 
99; race prejudice in, 11; 36: mili- 
tary preparations in, 39; Japan’s 
attitude toward, 51 #. ; red man in, 
104; discovery of, 147; settlement 
of, 149; cost of war in, 177; tri- 
umph of. 214; danger to white radb 
in. 303 

Central, white civilization In, 
113; race-mixture in, 128#; 
Japanese in, 131, 138 #. 

Latin, red man in. 7. 104; Japa- 
nese in, 48, 131#.; evolution 
of, 106; mixed blood in, 106 #., 
116#, 124, 128#., 166; revo- 
lution in, 108 #. ; results of 
revolution in. 110#; oligar- 
chies in, 110 #.; immigration 
into, 114; loss of white su- 
premacy In, 115; anarchy in, 
120#.; inability of, to rule self, 
128#; Asiatics in, 130 #., 308; 
anti- Americanism in, 136; at- 
titude of, toward yellow race, 
137 # ; pressure of yellow race 
on. 139; present situation in. 
140#.; future of. 141#.; Bol- 
shevik agitation in, 220; danger 
of Asiatic penetration of, 
232#., 249#, 303; white mi- 
gration into, 302 
North, white man’s land, 3, 5, 
104, 225; attitude of Japs 
toward, 52; Japs in, 131 ;i 
Nordics In, 253; result of Im- 
migration on, 254#., 261#: 
ne^ for prohibiting immigra- 
tion into, 266 #. ; a frontier 
against Asia. 284 
South, colonization of. 3; white 
man’s country, 5, 104; colored 
man’s country, 6; half-caste 
In, 117; need for white immi- 
gration into. 118; " Indianista” 
movement. 124; Japs in, 131, 
139. See also Latin America 
American Indian, home of, 104; num- 
ber of, 104; Spanish Conquest of, 
104#; racial mixtures of, 106#., 
116#, 119#, 128, 301; relations 
with Spaniards, 107; in Cliilo, 
111 #.; in Peru, 113; in Colombia, 
113; in Costa Rica, 113; in Argen- 
tina, 114; in Uruguay, 114; In 
northern Brazil, 115; anti-white 
sentiment among, 124#.; ancient 
ci vllizations among, 1 26 ; capability 
of, 126#.; influence of Spaniards 
on, 127; “Indianista” movement. 
129; Japanese relations with, 137 
#. 146 

Amerindian. See American Indian 


314 INDEX 

Amoor, 190 
AnatoUa, 211, 229 
Andaman Islanders, 227 
Anglo-French agreement, 70 
Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 201 ff. 
Anglo-Oriental College, 60 
Anglo-Saxons, Japanese agitation 
against, 50, 292; race-growth of, 
155 jf. ; “ sacred union ” of, 281 
Annamites, 17 
Arab-negroid, 94 

Arabia, location of, 57; Senussi in, 
67; nationalist movements in, 77 
Arabistan, definition of, 57; popula- 
tion of, 57 

Arabs, 88#., 92#., 102, 146 
Araucania, 111 

Argentina, white man in, 105; pop- 
ulation of. 114; agricultural devel- 
opment of, 114; immigration into, 
115; Japanese immigration into. 

Aryan race. 23. 200 
Asia, 3, 4; home-land of white race, 
5; of yellow race, 7 ; of brown race. 
7; black race in, 7; antagonism 
toward white continents, 11 #., 15, 
22; Japan in, 43, 48, 52. 7i ; Euro- 
pean conquests in, 70; renaissane» 
in, 100; l^tln America invaded by, 
130, 138. 142; Europe assailed by, 
146 #., 237; white man in, 149 #., 
237#.; anti-white sentiment in, 
171, 237; Russia in, 203, 205#.; 
Bolshevik agitators in, 220; centre 
of colored unrest, 229 #. ; non- 
Asiatic lands penetrated by, 232; 
independence of, 232 #. ; economic 
acti^ty in, 241 #., 244, 248; causes 
of poverty in, 243; population cf, 
249; Hawaii penetrated by. 279; 
Mauritius settled by, 280; Pacific 
coast settled by, 284; need in XT. S. 
for laborers from, 293; evils ofmcxi- 
ern migration in, 302; white world’s 
need for understanding with, 307 #. 
Asia Minor, 57 
Asturians, 111 

Australasia, 5, 6, 48, 87, 303 
Australia, 10; Japanese desire for, 21, 
52; Chinese need for land in, 46; 
80; black race in, 87; settlement 
of, 149; 225;!rChinese Invasion of, 
238, 272; “White Australia” doc- 
trine in, 281 #.*, number of white 
in, 282; immigration menace to, 
289; Japanese in, 292 
Austria, 22 

Aztec civilization, 126, 297 

Bagdad, 61 
Balkans, 50 
Balkans, war. 72 
Basques, 111 
Basra, 61 

Behring Strait. 138 
Belgium. 82 
Bengal lancers, 209 
Berbers, white blood of, 93; accep- 
tance of French rule, 94; European 
intermarriage with, 04 
Birmingham, 296 
Black Death, 146 

Black race, 5; numbers of, 7, 87; 
home of, 7, 87 #.; Mohammedan- 
ism in, 65, 69; brown race’s rela- 
tions with, 85#., 88, 92#.; white 
race’s relations with, 88 If., 91, 149; 
character of, 90, 100 #. ; other races 
compared with. 91 #. ; influence of 
other rapes on, 92; spread of Islam 
in, d5 #., 235, 240; spread of Chris- 
tianity In, 97 #. ; anti-white senti- 
ments of, 97; “Ethiopian Church” 
movement and, 98 #.; in Latin 
America, 110, 116#., 141#.; race- 
mixtures with, 116 #., 126, 128, 142, 
301; Germany’s relations with, 
204; Franco’s relations with, 204; 
in European War, 206, 209 #., 295; 
white lands entered by, 269 
Boer War, 208 
Bolivar, 108#. 

Bolivia, mixed blood in, 119; need of 
immigration in, 119; Indian rising 
in, 124#.; Japanese immigration 
Into. 138 
Bolsheviki, 50 

Bolshevism, 191, 214, 218; tenets of^ 
218#.; menace to white race, 
220#., 233 
Bombay, 61 
Brahman. See Hindu 
Brazil, 103; Bolshevik propaganda 
in, 220; Portugal’s neglect of, 115; 
immigration into. 115 ; white man 
in, 115; Indians in, 115; result of 
race-mixtures in, 120, 259 
British Columbia, exclusion policy of, 
281 , 283 ; colored immigration men- 
ace against, 289 

British Dominion. See British Em- 

British Empire, 4; Japan’s rela- 
tions with, 32; India’s relations 
• with. 32 • Egypt’s relations with, 
78; war losses of, 177; immigra- 
tion laws of, 292. See England and 
Great Britain 

Br^lsh Straits Settlements, 46 

INDEX 315 

Brown race, 5^ numbers of. 7, 54; 
home of, 7, 64; 12, 17, 22; types of, 
64#.; unity of, 56; white race’s 
relations with, 50#., 149; group- 
ings of, 57; Islam’s relations with, 
68 #. ; unrest under wlnte rule, 
83#.. 229, 234; possibility of 
brown-yellow alliance. 85 #. ; black 
race’s relations with. 88. 91, 92 #., 
100 #.; Europe assailed by, 146, 
148; Germany’s relations with, 
204; France’s relations with, 204; 
Italy’s relations with, 204; in Euro- 
pean War, 208#., 295; Africa col- 
onized by. 232; military potency 
of, 237 #. ; industrial conditions of. 
241; white lands penetrated by, 
269; Mauritius settled by, 280; 
South Africa penetrated by, 277 #. ; 
Central Asia taken by. 303 
Bryce, Lord, 124, 127 
Buddhism. 23. 73. 228 
Buenos Aires, 114 

Cairo, 61, 62, 78 
Calcutta. 61 

California, result of Chinese labor In, 
272; exclusion policy of, 285; Japa- 
nese in, 287 #. 

(Cambodians. 17 

(Canada, desire of yellow race for, 10; 
80; fear of Asiatic immigration into, 
84; wliite man’s country, 104; 278; 
exclusion policy of, 281, 283; pop- 
ulation of, 284; Nordics in, 163; 
danger of Hindu immigration into. 
283#,; Caribbean, 121; Caroline 
T.slands, 36; Carranza, 136; Cape 
Horn, 106, 138; Castro of Veno- 
% zuela, 122; Caucasian, 200 
(Chengtu, 245 

Chile, 110; Nordic colonists of. 111; 
race-mixture in. 111; stabilization 
of, 112; characteristics of, 112; 
progress of, 113; Japanese immi- 
gration into, 138; Bolshevik propa- 
ganda in, 220 
Chilembwe, John, 99 
China, white control of, 4 ; indepen- 
dence of, 8; yellow world centred 
in, 17, 18; population of. 18; exclu- 
sion policy, 18; Japanese war with, 
20#., 23#.; revolution in, 23#., 
73; partition of, 23; Boxer War in, 
24; Japan's relations with, 26#., 
30#.. 34, 38#., 42, 43, 50#., 58, 
207. 239, 247, 302; “ Yotog Chinaif 
movement in, 26; economic clh- 
l^ency of, 28 #. ; population of. 44 ; 
i^lonlzlzig pofisibilities of, 45#,; 


Mohammedans In, 73 ; effect of war 
on, 77; congestion in, 84; Latin 
America ^penetrated by. 131, 140; 
"’break-up” of, 151, 199; Russia’s 
relations with, 203; Germany's re- 
lations with, 212; Bolshevik propa- 
ganda in, 220; white goods boy- 
cotted by, 230, 246#.; military 
potency of. 238#.; industrial life 
of, 241, 243#., 250; labor condi- 
tions in, 244 #., 268, 273 #., 276 #.; 
Hawaii settled by, 279; British 
Columbia penetrated by, 283; 
United States settled by, 286; 
Europe penetrated by, 289; U. S. 
need for. 293#.; England settled 
by, 296; in war zone, 297 
Christianity, in Africa, 92, 95#.; In 
Latin America, 137 
Civitas Dei, 170 
Cochin-China, 247 

Colombia, settlement of, 107, 113; 
revolution In, 113; anti- American 
sentiment in, 136 
Colorcd-Bolshevist alliance, 233 
Columbus, Christopher, 103, 145, 147 
Confucius. 24; followers of, 73 
Congo, 101, 142 
Conquistadores, 105 #., 126, 140 
Constantinople, 57, 61. 72, 212 
Constantinople I'anine, 13 
Contemporary Review, 25 
Cortez, 106 
Costa Rica, 1 13 

Creoles, 107 and n.; degeneracy of, 
107 #. : anti-Spain revolt of, 108 #.; 
""democracy” of, 109; status of, 

Crusades, 146, 209 

Cuba, 125, 139; cross-breeding In. 

259, 278 
Cuzco, 125 

"" Dark Continent,” 88 #., 97, 102 

do Gama, Vasco, 147 

do la Barra. Sefior, 134 

Diaz, Porflrio, 110 

Dillon, Doctor E. J., 10, 25. 217 

Durban, 278 

Dutch Indies, 20, 34, 46; colonization 
of, 47; population of, 47, 82 

Ecuador, mixed blood in, 118; need 
for immigration into, 119 
Egypt, taken by England, 70, 76#.; 
1914 revolt in, 74; nationalist 
movement In. 77 #. ; effect of Ver- 
sailles Conference on, 78; Insurrec- 
tion in, 78#.; unrest in. 83, 84; 
IsUun's ascend an cy in, 93; Bolsho^ 



vik propaganda In, 220; white 
products boycotted in, 246 ff. 

El Mercurio (Chile), 138 
England, India’s relations with, 32, 
79 ff . ; Japan’s relations with, 36 Jf., 
GOff., 71; Islamite appeal to, 73; 
Egypt’s relations with, 77 ff . ; Chile 
compared with, 112; 1480 popula- 
tion of, 146, 155 ff. : race-stocks in, 
166; beginning of war in, 176, 180; 
cost of war to, 192, 194, 199; Rus- 
sia’s threat against, 203; Japan al- 
lied with, 203 jf.; China’s indus- 
trial rivalry with, 244; colored 
labor in. 296 ff. ; race-riots in. 296 ff. 
English Civil Service, 80 
‘‘Ethiopian Church.” 96; founding 
of, 98; anti-white teachings of, 98; 
Zulu rebellion caused by. 98 
Etbiopianism, 99 

Europe, 3, 5, 6, 11; Asia’s hostility 
toward, 11; 46, 52; Moslem East 
attacked by, 68; relations with 
Islam, 61 ; height attained by, 62 ff., 
89; Argentine and Uruguay settled 
by, 114, 142; Black Death in. 146; 
expansion attempted by, 146; 
Asia’s attacks on, 146 ff. ; results 
of discovery of America in, 147; 
results of Asian conflicts on, 148, 
161#,; industrial revolution in, 
167 #., 161, 164; Nordic ranks in, 
163; results of Russo-Jap War in, 
171 ff. ; results of Versailles Con- 
ference on, 216, 218, 307; Bolshev- 
ism’s menace to, 220 ff. : effect of 
colored migration on. 263; 268; 
danger of Oriental immigration 
into, 289 ff. ; colored labor imported 
into, 293, 296#. See also Euro- 
pean War 

‘‘European Concert,” 170 
European War, 4, 11. 13#., 25, 33, 
36, 39 ff. ; Germany's collapse in, 
40; end of, 42; prophecy of, 62; 
Islam at beginning of, 73; Eg 3 rpt 
at beginning of, 76; East affected 
by. 77; India in, 80; U. S. in, 133, 
134, 136, 169, 175, 176; cost of. 
176 #.; in civil life, 178#., 181#.; 
results of. 187#., 190#., 206; 

“hate literature” of, 207; use of 
colored troops in, 208#., 214, 220, 
290; Asia’s attitude affected by, 
290 ff. ; colored labor in, 293 ff, 
“Exclusion Policy,” 269 

Far Bast. See China, Japan 
Fatima, 67 

Filipinos in Hawaii. 270 

Fisher, H. A. L., 182 
Formosa, 20 #., 30. 43, 47 
France, birth-rate of, 8, 46; Japan’s 
attitude toward. 50#., 83#., 103; 
cost of war in, 177, 179#.; con- 
scription in, 181, 194; Nordics in, 
202, 204, 250, 270; colored labor in, 
296#.; race-riots in, 296 

“Gentlemen’s Agreement,” 287 
Germany. Chinese interests of, 36; 
Japan’s relations with, 36, 39, 
212#.; Asiatic expulsion of, 36 #.; 
Bolshevism's aid to, 40; collapse 
of, 40, 50 ff. ; Islam’s relations with, 
75; South American immigrations 
of. 111, 115; Mexico’s relations 
with, 136; cost of war in, 177, 180; 
conscription in, 181 ; Russia's rela- 
tions with, 187; Nordic race in, 201 ; 
Alpine race in, 202; population of, 
202; in central Africa. 204; Bel- 
gium invaded by, 228; Chin&se in- 
dustrial rivalry with, 244, 270 
Grand Alliance, 39 
Grant, Madison, 115, 162, 169, 183, 

Great Britain, 36#.; Japan’s rela- 
tions with. 38. 291 ff. See also Eng- 
land and British Empire 
Great War. See European War 
Greece, 72, 196, 199 
Guinea, 142 
Gurkhas. 209 

“ Habl-ul-Matin,” 66 ff. 

Haiti, 4. 100, 142, 227 and n. 
“Hajj,” 66# 

HaU, Prescott F., 253, 255 
Hangkow, 43 
Hanyang, 244 

Hawaii, 136; white rule in, 279; 
Asiatic labor in, 279#.; U. S. an- 
nexation of, 279; Americans in, 

Hedjaz Kingdom, 66 
Himalayans, 55, 238 
Hindustan. Islam’s relations with, 73; 
England’s relations with. 79; Mau- 
ritius a part of. 280 
Hokkaido. 44, 47# 

Holland, 20, 46 
Huns, 17. 146 

Ichang, 244 
Incas, 125# 

ladia, Jap&nese relations with, 31 # ; 
English relations with. 32, 80; pop- 
ulation of, 32. 57; wealth of, 3.3; 
Russian menace to, 38. 203; 47. 52; 

INDEX 317 

southern, 55; brown world centred Conference and. 42; colonizing 

in, 57; revolt in Northwest. 74; 
unrest In, 79; government of, 80 ff . ; 
congestion in. 84^.. 250, 268; 
“Negritos” in, 87, 147, 199; Bol- 
shevik propaganda in. 220, 225; 

• foreign goods boycotted by. 230; 
industrial growth of. 241; handi- 
caps to, 246; “Swadeshi” move- 
ment, 246, 248; in South Africa, 
278; in British Columbia. 283; in 
Europe. 289 

Indian Archipelago, 282 

“Indlanista” movement. 124, 129. 
132; Japanese support of. 134, 137, 

Indians of America. See American 

Indo-Ohina, population of, 18; ex- 
clusion policy of, 18, 23; revolu- 
tions in, 33 if., 46. 87 

Indo-Japanese Association, 32 

Iran, population of, 57; influence oi, 

Islam, brown race united by, 55; in 
India, 55, 73, 79, 85; 57; power of, 
58 if.; revival of, 58; progress of, 
60, 64#.; communication in, 61; 
numerical strength of, Gl, 64; Eu- 
ropean relations with, 62 #.; prose- 
lytizing power of, G5’ the Senussi 
in, 67 #, ; effect of Rifeso-Japanese 
War on, 70; Japanese relations 
with, 70 if. ; Tripoli taken from, 
71#., 204; effect of Balkan War 
on, 72; England’s relations with, 
73; in China, 73; in the Eiu*opean 
War, 74; Vorsaillos Conference and, 
75 #.; black race’s relation.s with, 

’'86, 92, 94; South African progress 
of, 94#., 102 

Italy, 50; Tripoli seized by, 71#., 
205; South American immigration 
from. 114#.; conditions in, 176 

Japan, independence of, 4, 8; effect 
of white civilization on, 9, 12; 
Russian war with, 12, 20#., 17; 
population of, 18, 44; exclusion 
policy of, 18; Western civilization 
in. 20; Chinese war with, 20#.; 
imperialism in, 21; European War 
and, 25, 39, 41; Chinese subjection 
to. 23. 26#., 30, 37, 247; white 
race expelled from Asia by, 31; 
Asia influenced by, 3 1 , 3^43 ; Eng- 
land’s relations with, 203#.,'^ 
291#.; Germany’s relations with, 
S>8, 212 #.; Russian understanding 
with, 38; in Siberia, 40; Versailles 

possibilities of, 45 ; climatic require- 
ments of, 47 #. ; militarism of, 49 #. ; 
Islam’s relations with, 71 #. ; Latin 
America’s relations with, 130 #., 
137; American relations with, 132, 
136, 286#.; Mexican relations 
with, 132#.; Indians affected by, 
140; power of, 172, 238; Russian 
prisoners in, 205 if. ; BoLshuvik 
propaganda in, 220; industrial con- 
ditions in, 241, 246#.; excess pop- 
ulation in, 268, 270; Hawaii settled 
by, 279 #. ; British Columbia set- 
tled by, 283; Chinese excluded by, 
302; Koreans excluded by, 302 
Japan Magazine, 35, 291, 293 
Japanese Colonial Journal, 37 
Java, 84; Bolshevik propaganda in, 

Jerusalem, 72 
Jews in America, 165 

Kamchatka. 43 

Kochua republic, possibility of, 125 
Kerbela, 61 

Kiang Su, province of, 27 
Kiaochow Day, Germany’s lease of, 
:i6; Germany driven from, 36, 39, 

Kitchener, Lord, 78 
Kob6. 206 

Korea, i)opiilation of, 17; exclusion i 
policy in, 18; Japanese possession 
of, 30, 43; colonization in, 45; 
Hawaii settled by, 279; Japanosu 
exclusion policy against, 302 

I.4vke Baikal, 40 
Lake C:!liad. 68 
licague of Nations, 218 
Ixsnine, 219 #. 

Levantines in U. S., 165; in Rome, 

Liberia, 4, 89, 100 
Lima. 125 
Limehouso, 296 

I. iOndon, 72, 296 
London Nation, 207 

J. «ondon Saturday Review, 186 
Los Angeles Times, 287 

Lybla, Nationalist movement in. 77 

Madero, Francisco, 136 
Malaysia. 250 

Manchuria. Japanese threat against, 
40, 43; colonization in. 45 
Manchus, 17, 24 
Marianne Islands, 36 
Marshall Islands, 36 



Matabele, 96 

Mauritius, French in, 280; importa- 
tion of blacks into, 280; importa- 
tion of Asiatics into, 280; present 
conditions in, 280 
Maya dvilization, 126 
Mecca, 66 

Mediterranean race, 162 if., 165; in 
U. S., 165; in England, 166#.; in 
war, 183, 261 

Mediterranean Sea. 57. 77. 82. 88, 03. 

Melbourne Argus, 21 
Mesopotamia. 57, 84. 211 
Mexican War. 133 

Mexico, conquest of, 104#., 107; 
dictatorship in. 110; unrest in, 116; 
Indian rising in. 124; Aztec civili- 
zation in, 126; Japanese relations 
with, 132, 134#.; anti- American 
feeling in. 132#.. 136; “Plan of 
San Diego” plotted in. 133; Bol- 
shevik propaganda in, 220; cross- 
breeding in. 259 
Mexico City, 135 
“Middle Kingdom,” 17 
Miranda, 108 

Mohammedan Bevival, 56. 58 #. 
Mohammedanism. See Islam 
Mohammerah, 61 

Mongolia. Russia in, 38; colonization 
of, 45 

Mongolians. 17. 23. 130, 137, 139, 
146, 285 

Monroe Doctrine, 129, 132, 138 
“Monroe Doctrine for Far Bast,” 23, 

Montevideo, 114 
Moors, 65. 147 

Morocco, Senussi order in, 68; French 
possession of, 76; riots in, 77, 82 #., 

Modem. See Islam 

Napoleonic Wars, 58 
Natal, revolt in, 98; Aslan immigra- 
tion into. 272#., 278; South Afri- 
can exclusion act in, 280#. 

Near and Middle East, brown man's 
land, 54#.; European domination 
of. 75#. 

“Negritos,” 87 
Negro. See Black Race 
Netherlands, a Nordic country, 202 
New England. 256, 258, 294 
New Guinea. 99 

New Zealand. 278; exclusioii policy 
of. 281 

Nicaragua, 122 
Niger, 101 

Nigeria, 210 
NUe. 88. 101 

NordUc race, ill#., 162; decreasing 
birth-rate of, 163; character of, 
163; effect of industrial revolution 
on. 164; in U. S.. 165, 258, 201, 
266; in England. 166#.; cost of 
war to, 183; worth of, 199 #.; in 
Germany, 201 #. ; constructive 
power of, 229 
North Borneo, 46 

Nyassaland, Mohammedanism in, 
95#.; rebellion in, 99 

Okmna, Count, 31 #., 50, 131, 138 
Ottoman Empire, partition of, 75; 

cost of war to, 177 #. 

Ottoman Turk, 55, 67, 146 

Padfle Ocean Society, 32 
Pan- African Congress, 99# 
Pan-Amorica, 130, 138 
Pan-Asia Alliance, 234 
Pan-Asia Holy War, 11 
Pan-Asian Railroad, 212 
Pan- Asiatic Association, 31 
“Pan-Colored” alliance, 70, 220, 
233 #. 

Pan-Clerinanism, 160, 201 #. 
Pan-fslam Holy War. 11, 70 
Pan-Islainisin, driving power of, 66 #. ; 
progress toward, 69 ; result of Peace 
Conference on, 75, 70, 94; the negro 
the tot>l of. 97. 100, 102, 237; in Uio 
Europixin War, 205#., 234#.; 
Asia affected by, 237 ; military po> 
tcncy of, 238, 240 
Pan-Mongolism, 28 
Pan-Nordic union, 200 
Pan-Slavism, 169, 201, 203 
Paraguay, 110 
Paris, 99, 122, 216 
Pax Americana, 4 
Pax Roniana, 170 

Peace Conference. See VersaOles 
Pechili Strait, 43 
Peking, 43, 212 
Pelew islands. 36 
Peloponnesian War, 173 #., 196 
Persia, 4; Russian menace to, 38; in- 
dependence of, 56; Japan's rela- 
tions with, 70 #.; in war, 74; Eng- 
land the protector of, 76, 84; Ger 
many's relations with, 212 
Peru, conquest of, 104#., 107; settle- 
meat ofV 113; revolution in. 113; 
politics of. 125; Incas in, 126; 
Chinese in, 131; Japanese in, 196 
Peshawar, 61 



PhillppinaB. independenoB movement 
in. 34. 43. 46. 83. 87^37, 229 ^ 
Plzarro, 105 

“Plan of San Diego.” 133 
Poland, cost of war In. 178 
Port Arthur. 153 
port Louis. 280 
Port Said. 61 
Portugal. 18. 115 

Rangoon. 23 

Red race. 5; number of. 7. 104; home 
of. 7. 104 ff.\ cross-breeding with. 
106 116 if., 119, 128; anti-Spain 

revolution of, 108 ff . : in Chile, 111 ; 
in Peru, 113; in Colombia. 113; 
in Argentine. 114; in Uruguay. 114; 
in northern Brazil, 115; anti-wiiite 
sentiment of, 124 jff . ; character qf, 
126 if. ; yellow race’s relations with, 
131 ff., 138. 140; effect of Spaniards 
on, 141 ; future of, 141 ff, 

Rhodes. Cecil. 200 
Rio Grande, 5, 7, 103, 105 
Roman Empire. 116; fall of, 146 
Rome, 50. 146, 199, 290 
Ross, Professor E. A., 112, 118, 12.5, 
131, 139, 140, 244 if., 260, 264. 267. 
269, 273 

Russia, Japanese war with, 12, 20 ff., 
31, 205; Japan’s relations with, 
35 if., 38, 151; i*evolution in, .39, 
214; Bolshevism In, 40, ryOff., 219; 
Perm’s relations with, 74; whilo 
race in, 145; and Kuropoan War, 
176; cost of war in, 177 ff.', Ger- 
many’s relations with, 187, 189, 
194; Nordics in, 202; as part of 
Asia, 203 ff., 270 

Russo-Japanese War, 12; Japan’s 
strength revealed by, 21 ff., 171; 
23; effect on Islam, 70; African 
results of, 97, 149, 153; effect on 
white race. 203, 205, 237 

Saar, 215 

Saghalien. Island of, 247 
Sahara Desert. 7. 57, 67; SenussI 
control of, 68, 87 ff., 93 
Sailors’ and Firemen’s Union. 296 
San Martin, 108 
Santiago College, 112 
Scandinavia, 145, 202 
Senegalese. 209 ff. 

Senusslyah, history of, 67; organiza- 
tion of, 67; stronghold of, 07 ff.\ 
European relations wttS, 68; pr9- 
gramme of. 69. 94 
Serbia, cost of war in, 178 
Seyyid, Mohammed ben Senui^si, 67 ff. 

Shanghai, 244 
Shansi, 245 

Shantung, Germany in, 36; Japan in, 
43, 215, 297 

Siam, 4, 17, 23; Japan’s relation with, 
31. 46. 247 
Sianfu, 245 

Siberia, 6, 15, 18, 34; danger of Bol- 
shevism to, 40; Japanese army In, 
40; colonized by Chinese, 48; col- 
onized by Japanese, 48; settlement 
of, 149; Russia in. 151 
Slddyk. Yahya. 62 
Singapore, 29 
Somaliland, 68 

South African Union, 96; white pop- 
ulation of, 98 

Spain, the Moors in. 65. 147; in Latin 
America, 106, 108, 111, 114, 118; 
Argentina settled by, 114 ; Uruguay 
settled by, 114 
Spanish Conquest. 105 
Steppes, 238 
Sudan, 79, 93 
Sudanese, in war, 210 
Suez, 77, 103 

“Survival of Fittest,” 23, 150, 273 
Syria, 57 
Szechuan, 245 

Tartars, 17, 57 
Teheran, 61, 71 
Tcmtonic Powers, 78 
Texas, 133 

Thibet. 29; as Chinese colony, 45 

Thirty Years’ War, 202 

Tokio, 22, 39 jf., 134 

Toklo Economist, 131 

Tokio flochi, 50 

Toklo Maini^'ki Deupo, 291 

Toldo Universe, 37 

Tokio Yamato, 38 

Toklo Yorodsu, 292 ff. 

Trades Union Congress, 296 
Transcaucasia, 57 
Trinidad, 278 

Tripoli, seized by Italy, 71 if.; In re- 
volt, 74, 77. 204 
Txmis, 82. 94 
“Turanians,” 67 

Turkestan, .38; Chinese section of, 48; 

colonization possibilities in, 45 
Turkest&n, composition of, 57; pop- 
ulation of, 57 

Turkey, 4; independence of, 56; 
Tripoli taken flrom, 71; Balkan 
War losses to, 72; in European 
War, 74. 73, 309; war loans of. 178; 
Gorman aUianoo with, 211 if. 
Turkomans, 57 

320 INDEX 

Uganda, Ohristlanity in. 96 
United Statee, 4, 10, 37; In war, 39, 
46; Japanese relations with. 48, 
99, 103, 132; settlement of. 104, 
121. 125, 120, 132; Mexican rela- 
tions with, 132 if.; Mexican plot 
against, 133; Mexlcan-Japanose 
alliance against. 132, 135; Latin 
American hostility toward. 135#.; 
l^atin American ties with. 137, i:i9: 
Nordic race in, 165; Bolshovik 
propaganda in, 220; effect of im- 
migration in. 256; Hawaiian rela- 
tions with, 270 #., 282; immigra- 
tion menace to. 286, 280; Chinese 
in. 286, 293 ff . ; Japanese in, 286 #.; 
Japanese excluded Orom, 292#.; 
immigration laws in, 308 
Uruguay, 105; population of, 114; 
agricultural development of. 114; 
European immigration Into, 114 #. 

Valparaiso, 112; English character 
of, 112 

Venezuela, 122; Indians in. 128; 

anti-American sentiment in, 136 
Versailles Peace Conference, 42, 50; 
Islam and. 75#., 187; failure of, 
215 #., 233, 235. 307 

Wahabees, 58, 67 
Wars of Roses, 155 
West African Guinea, Christian mis- 
^ sions in, 90 
West Indian Islands. 103, 253 
White race, 3. 4. 5. 8#.; 21. 34. 161; 
numbers of, 6. 155; 8#.. 21; expul- 
sion from Far East. 28. 31, 44; Asia 
controlled by, 46, 47#., 53; brown 
race's relation witli, 55#., 146, 148; 
62 #.. 70; India's relation with. 82 
#., 124 #.; brown-yellow alliance 
against, 85; black race ruled by, 
89, 91#., 102#.; in Northeast 
Africa, 93 #. ; African hostility 
toward, 97#.; in Africa, 98, 249; 
in North America, 104 #. ; in Latin 
America, 104#., 110#., 118#., 
128 , 141#., 249. 302; Indian race- 

mixture with, 106#., 116#.; Meic- 
Ican hostility toward. 132 #. ; yel- 
Idw race’s relations with, 137 #., 
141, 146, 148, 151#.; expansion 
of, 145; original location of. 145; 
original area of. 145#.; oriidnal 
number of, 146; effect of fifteenth- 
century discoveries on, 147; prog- 
ress of, 148#., 153; effect of Russo- 
Japanese War on, 154, 171 #., 203; 
effect of industrial revolution on, 
156#.: birth-rate of, 1G2; division 
of, 162; solidarity of, 169 #., 199 #., 
204#., 306#.; in European War, 
175#., 196, 199; Bolshovik menace 
to, 219 #. ; danger to. 228 #., 289 #., 
297 #., 301, 303; effect of immigra- 
tion on. 251#., 278#.; exdusioD 
policy of, 269 #., 281 #. ; rise of, 

Yangtse River, 43, 244 
Yellow Pern. 85. 139, 172, 213, 237 
Yellow race, 5; numbers of, 7; home 
of, 7, 10, 12. 17 #.; Russo-Japanese 
War triumph of, 21, 22; expansion 
of, 28, 46#., 55; white aggression 
resisted by, 56; brown race’s rela- 
tions with, 85, 91, 100; Americas 
penetrated by. 130 #., 232; Latin 
American attitude toward, 137, 
139, 141#.; white race’s relations 
with, 146, 148, 151#., 234#.. 269, 
272#.; in France, 204; in war, 
207#., 296; Germany’s relations 
with, 213; military potency of, 
238#.; industrial conditions In. 
241, 272#.: in Hawaii, 279; in 
Australia, 281 ; in British Coluiue 
bia, 283; in Central Asia, 303 
Yemenite Arabs, 55 
Yucatan, ancient civilization in. 120 

Zambezi, 95#. 

Zanzibar Arabs, 95 
Zawias. See Senussi 
Zelaya of Nicaragua, 122 
Zulus, 96. 190; revolt of, 98